书评/ Boekbesprekings

Kleio Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI:10.1080/00232080185380101
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By the end of 1993 the Nat ional is ts had finally been p r e s s u r e d into conceding the pr inciple of a un i t a ry s ta te based on a full one man, one vote principle. From then on, the r e s u l t of the e lec t ion w a s a foregone conclusion. Fur thermore , dur ing the per iod of the i n t e r im g o v e r n m e n t (December 1993 April 1994), the two remain ing ' i ndependen t ' home lands not yet unde r ANC control had col lapsed and fallen unde r ANC influence. Within two years of the 1994 elections the Nat ional Par ty had formal ly w i t h d r a w n f rom the initial Government of Nat ional Unity for the obvious r ea son tha t t hey had had so little inf luence in it anyway . Can one thus easi ly agree wi th the view, allegedly expressed by m e m b e r s of the TRC to the author , t ha t ' i f there had been no negot ia ted amnes ty , the coun t ry would have been faced wi th a b loodba th scenar io ' (p 66). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

真相与和解委员会(真相与和解委员会)在1995年11月至1998年4月期间运作,在很大程度上象征着新南非早期相对乐观的政治气氛。这本专著就是在这段时间里写的,虽然这本专著写得很短,但它所关注的是这段时期。委员会在伦理、道德方面的关切或“政治上的诚意”方面并没有那么认真,但它是务实的,它正在努力实现和平的政治转型(第66页)。这就解释了为什么它的立场是温和的:一方面,它对政治冲突视而不见,另一方面,它试图以涉嫌战争罪的罪名审判前国民党领导人。取而代之的是,一名律师被授予那些公开承认自己罪行的人。“这是确保和平与合作的代价”(第122页)。在1994年,由于没有明确的政治立场,因此在1994年没有明确的政治立场,因此在1994年,和平的政治立场是不存在的。然而,事实上,很难把1994年的协议看作是一种真正的妥协。非洲人国民大会于1990年合法化,并在1983年至1985年期间,即紧急状态爆发之前,将其政治控制在其已经完全实现实际霸权的地区。它唯一重要的黑人竞争对手是IFP,该党在1992年年底实际上被排除在谈判之外,因为它被排除在《南非记录》(the Record of u)和《非洲人国民大会》(ANC)之间的谈判之外。到1993年底,国民议会终于得到了批准,但它不得不承认一个国家的基本原则,即建立在完全一人一票原则基础上的国家。从那时起,这个国家就成为了世界上最重要的国家之一,这已经成为了定局。此外,在1993年12月至1994年4月期间,尚未在非洲人国民大会控制下的两个仍然“独立”的家园已经崩溃,受到非洲人国民大会的影响。在1994年选举后的两年内,民族民族党正式从最初的民族团结政府中脱离出来,原因很明显,他们在政府中几乎没有什么影响力。因此,人们是否可以轻易地同意他在向发件人提交的调查委员会报告中所表达的观点,即“如果没有在谈判中进行谈判,那么这个国家将面临一场严重的战争”(第66页)。考虑到白人党已经把权力交给了非国大,在他们看来,黑人党真的有这么重要的作用吗?对于这一点,我们需要进一步研究,因为Chr是最重要的基因,所以我们需要进一步研究TRC基因在宿主体内的作用(pp 101, 169)。rgument更合理,因此,conci l ia保守党na涂再保险的T俄文th副手离子会考虑在非国大g o v e r n m e n T不是/ ly让步rn对穹顶T ic whi te离子反应,它小心ing没有T l r海洋公共舆论和ienate有限par T icular没有T f r ighten了奥维海洋探讨tment。在1995-1998年期间(TRC时期),政府仍然以一种相对乐观的态度看待未来外国投资增长的前景。正如Adrian Guelke所指出的那样,国家党实际上是TRC的东道主,这与国际上压倒性的积极反应相反……的确,
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Book reviews/Boekbesprekings
Funct ioning be tween November 1995 and April 1998, the Tru th and Reconcil iat ion Commiss ion (TRC) to a considerable degree symbol i sed the relat ively opt imist ic political a tmosphere of the ear ly phase of the New South Africa. It is this per iod wi th w h i c h this monograph , wr i t t en shor t ly a f te rwards , is concerned. The a u t h o r a r g u e s t h a t in fac t the Commiss ion was not so m u c h in te res ted in ethical , mora l concerns or 'polit ical cor rec tness ' bu t was pragmat ica l ly seeking to br ing about a peaceful political t rans i t ion (p 66). This expla ins i ts moderate pos i t ion in s t ee r ing a c o m p r o m i s e course b e t w e e n ignor ing p a s t poli t ical conflicts on the one hand, and on the other, seeking to pu t former whi te Nat ional Par ty leaders on tr ial for alleged war cr imes. Ins tead, a m n e s t y was g ran ted to those who openly and publicly confessed their cr imes. 'Amnes ty was the price of secur ing peace and coopera t ion in the negot ia ted collapse of whi te ru le ' (p 122). A peacefu l poli t ical t r a n s i t i o n w a s so n e c e s s a r y because there were no clearcut political w inne r s in 1994 (pp 68, 176}. In fact, however , it is ha rd to see the 1994 set t lement*as a rea l compromise . The legalisat ion of the ANC in 1990 a s s u r e d it political control of the t ownsh ips where it had a l ready achieved de facto hegemony be tween 1983 1985, pr ior to the s ta te of emergency. Its only signif icant black rival had been the IFP, which, in late 1992 had in fact been excluded from the negot ia t ions t h r o u g h the Record of U n d e r s t a n d i n g s igned be tween the gove rnmen t and the ANC. By the end of 1993 the Nat ional is ts had finally been p r e s s u r e d into conceding the pr inciple of a un i t a ry s ta te based on a full one man, one vote principle. From then on, the r e s u l t of the e lec t ion w a s a foregone conclusion. Fur thermore , dur ing the per iod of the i n t e r im g o v e r n m e n t (December 1993 April 1994), the two remain ing ' i ndependen t ' home lands not yet unde r ANC control had col lapsed and fallen unde r ANC influence. Within two years of the 1994 elections the Nat ional Par ty had formal ly w i t h d r a w n f rom the initial Government of Nat ional Unity for the obvious r ea son tha t t hey had had so little inf luence in it anyway . Can one thus easi ly agree wi th the view, allegedly expressed by m e m b e r s of the TRC to the author , t ha t ' i f there had been no negot ia ted amnes ty , the coun t ry would have been faced wi th a b loodba th scenar io ' (p 66). In view of the fact tha t the whi tes h a d a l ready given up power to the ANC, did the a m n e s t y really make such a crucial difference in thei r eyes? For tha t ma t t e r , as Chr is t ie h i m s e l f po in t s out , wh i t e opin ion a bou t the TRC w a s gene ra l ly host i le (pp 101, 169). A more plausible a rgument , therefore, for the conci l ia tory na tu re of the T ru th Commiss ion would be tha t while the ANC g o v e r n m e n t was not over ly conce rned about domes t ic whi te react ion, it was be ing careful no t to a l ienate ove r seas public opinion and in par t icular , no t to f r ighten off ove r seas inves tment . Dur ing the 1995-1998 period (the period of the TRC) after all, the gove rnmen t still v iewed the p rospec t of growing fu ture foreign i n v e s t m e n t s in a relat ively opt imist ic light. As Adrian Guelke ha s pointed out, the National Par ty was in fact host i le to the TRC ' in con t ras t to the overwhelmingly posi t ive in ternat ional react ion ... Indeed,
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