更大努力后的强化物是首选:试验内对比效应

T. Zentall
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引用次数: 5

摘要

研究人类行为的心理学家经常假设难以直接测量的潜在机制。而且,由于人类是一种具有复杂动机系统的复杂生物,研究人类行为的研究人员可能会避免询问是否有更简单的行为解释。其中一个例子就是所谓的换位现象。这种现象对于音乐家来说很熟悉,他们在用一个音调演奏了一个曲子之后,可以无缝地将这个曲子转到另一个音调上,而旋律(音符之间的关系)没有明显的变化。类似的效果也可以在大鼠身上显示出来,在训练大鼠同时进行浅灰色(S+)和深灰色(S-)区分并对浅灰色增强反应后,对大鼠进行浅灰色刺激和浅灰色刺激(Sn)的测试。尽管对S+的反应有强化的历史,而对Sn的反应没有,但大鼠通常选择Sn而不是S+。也就是说,他们似乎在训练中学会了选择较轻的那个,并且在测试中继续选择较轻的那个。也就是说,他们似乎已经学会了两种训练刺激之间的关系,而不是它们的绝对性质。但Spence(1937)提出,当生物体学会对一种强化刺激做出反应时,这种反应倾向会推广到其他类似的刺激(定义了刺激泛化的梯度)。同样,对S-的反应会导致S-刺激值周围的抑制梯度。根据Spence的说法,沿着维度的每个点的梯度的代数求和决定了维度上其他点的响应强度(净响应强度)(上述示例中的亮度)。如果假设梯度是凸的(即,在训练值附近平坦),那么净梯度的峰值通常不在S+处,而是在远离S-方向上远离S+的一点上。这是因为,考虑到假定的梯度形状,当一个人开始远离S+时,反应强度的下降幅度会小于抑制梯度中该点的抑制下降幅度(见Spence, 1937)。这样,矛盾的是,斯宾塞关于学习刺激的绝对属性的理论可以解释动物选择一种以前从未见过的新刺激,而不是S+训练值,因此它可以解释换位而不诉诸关系学习。一个更引人注目的例子是,假设人类的动机是为了减少认知失调,而这种复杂的人类行为很可能受到更简单的行为过程的影响。当一个人的信念和行为不一致时,就会出现认知失调。当一个人的行为方式与他认为自己应该采取的行为方式不一致时,就会发生这种情况。根据认知失调理论(Festinger, 1957),一个人应该努力减少认知失调,如果避免行为为时已晚,一个人会修改自己的信念来解释或证明自己的行为。费斯廷格和卡尔史密斯(1957)测试了这一理论,他们给受试者一个被认为很无聊的任务,然后让他们告诉一个潜在的受试者这个任务很有趣。作为这项服务的报酬,实验者将付给他们1美元或20美元的报酬(实验操纵)。但在执行任务之前,他们被要求填写一份调查问卷,其中包括对任务的判断。令人惊讶的是,那些得到1美元报酬的实验对象比得到20美元报酬的实验对象认为任务更有趣。费斯廷格和卡尔史密斯解释了这一差异,他们试图减少只支付1美元的受试者的认知失调。对这些实验对象来说,参与了一项无聊的任务,但同意告诉潜在实验对象这项任务很有趣,这种不和谐无法通过要求支付1美元来解决。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Reinforcers Following Greater Effort are Preferred: A Within-Trial Contrast Effect
Psychologists who study human behavior often posit underlying mechanisms that are difficult to measure directly. And because humans are known to be complex organisms with complex motivational systems, researchers studying human behavior may avoid asking if there are simpler accounts of the behavior being studied. One such example is the phenomenon known as transposition. This phenomenon is familiar to musicians who after playing a tune in one key can seamlessly transpose the tune to a different key with no apparent change in the melody (the relations among the notes). A similar effect can be shown in rats, when after training them on a simultaneous light-gray (S+) versus dark-gray (S-) discrimination with responding to the light-gray reinforced, rats are tested with the light-gray stimulus and a still lighter-gray stimulus (Sn). In spite of the fact that responding to the S+ had a history of reinforcement and responding to the Sn had not, rats typically choose the Sn over the S+. That is, it appears that they learned to choose the lighter one during training and they continued to choose the lighter one on test trials. That is, it appears that they had learned the relation between the two training stimuli rather than their absolute properties. But Spence (1937) proposed that when organisms learn to respond to a stimulus for reinforcement, the tendency to respond generalizes to other similar stimuli (defining a gradient of stimulus generalization). Similarly, responding to the S- results in a gradient of inhibition around the value of the S- stimulus. According to Spence, it is the algebraic summation of those gradients at each point along the dimension that determines the strength of responding (the net response strength) at other points on the dimension (brightness in the example described). If one assumes that the gradients are convex (i.e., flatter near the training values) then the net gradient typically has its peak value not at the S+ but at a point away from the S+ in the direction away from the S-. This occurs because, given the presumed shape of the gradients, there would be a smaller decline in response strength as one begins to move away from the S+ than there would be a decline in inhibition at that point in the inhibitory gradient (see Spence, 1937). In this way, paradoxically, Spence's theory of learning about the absolute properties of a stimulus can account for an animal's choice of a novel stimulus, never seen before, over the S+ training value, and hence it can account for transposition without appealing to relational learning. Cognitive Dissonance An even more striking example of a presumably complex human behavior that is likely to be influenced by simpler behavioral processes is the supposed human motivation to reduce cognitive dissonance. Cognitive dissonance occurs when there is a discrepancy between one's beliefs and one's behavior. This can occur when one acts in a way that is inconsistent with the way one believes one should act. According to cognitive dissonance theory (Festinger, 1957), one should work to reduce the dissonance and if it is too late to avoid the behavior, one would modify one's beliefs to account for or justify one's behavior. Festinger and Carlsmith (1957) tested this theory by giving subjects a task considered to be boring and then asking them to tell a prospective subject that the task was interesting. In payment for this service, the experimenter would compensate them with a payment (the experimental manipulation) of either $1 or $20. But before carried out their assignment they were asked to fill out a questionnaire that included judgments about the task. Surprisingly, those subjects who were paid $1 judged the task to be more interesting than those who were paid $20. Festinger and Carlsmith explained the difference in terms of an attempt to reduce cognitive dissonance for the subjects paid only $1. For those subjects, the dissonance produced by having engaged in a boring task but having agreed to tell a potential subject that the task was interesting could not be resolved by appealing to the payment of $1. …
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