{"title":"制作果酱和帝国心态:一个殖民地妻子的案例","authors":"Kate Law","doi":"10.1017/s0305862x00019592","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Miriam Cheales was born in Southern Rhodesia on the 28th October 1914 at Lincoln Farm in Beatrice, just south of Salisbury to Alan and Irene Cheales. They returned to England to deal with family business in the early 1920s and Miriam was brought up in rural Lincolnshire. After completing her education she undertook some training in basic physiotherapy, and served as a nurse during World War Two. In September 1945 Miriam married Frank Staunton. As Frank was also originally from Rhodesia, with his family farming substantial amounts of land they decided to return to Africa and Frank took a post as a native commissioner. Upon arrival in Southern Rhodesia, Staunton was both adjusting to married life and finding herself back at \"home\" despite the fact she rarely thought of herself as Rhodesian. Like many middle class colonial women, who had the drudgery of housework alleviated by the presence of black servants, Staunton became involved in voluntary work. As Deborah Kirkwood notes \"settler women took with them the Anglo-Saxon tradition of voluntary service and 'do gooding' so characteristic of British and American middle-class society\"2. Staunton became involved in the Federation of African Women's Clubs also known as the Homecraft movement which was an attempt, to \"teach groups of African women in the villages something about hygiene & health for themselves and their families\".3 Staunton devoted large amounts of her time to working within the women's clubs, noting in one letter to her brother that \"this FAWC is jolly nearly a full time job\".4 It is interesting to note the ambiguities surrounding Miriam Staunton's role in the clubs, when it is remembered that she was the wife of the local native commissioner, who was the 'man on the spot'.5 The ambiguity of the situation is further highlighted when it is remembered that most wives held conservative views and would not have socialised with African women on the scale that Staunton did. In his own memoirs Miriam's husband, Frank reflected on the fact that \"Miriam [was]... a bit too friendly towards the Africans\"6, as his superiors often commented on the level of socialising Miriam did with African women. She herself noted that we are rather pioneering in social relationships. Certainly I have the dear black sisters popping in to see me at all hours, which I would not have thought of 4 years ago. I am really fond of many of them as people... (Quite a number of Europeans have never met them on equal terms so to speak). 7 Staunton's papers are located in Rhodes House Oxford, and I spent a week using them in April 2009. Comprising just three cartons, the physical size of Staunton's papers cannot do them justice in what they can offer the women's and imperial historian alike. Staunton's papers primarily consist of letters she wrote to her mother and brother who remained in Britain, alongside various ephemera relating to the voluntary work she did within the Homecraft Movement. In this paper, I will be examining the contents of Staunton's papers with the suggestion that the collection illuminates not only the rituals of Staunton's domestic milieu but that a reading of them helps shed light on broader political themes, regarding what Carolyn Martin Shaw has called white women's attempts to further the colonial project.8 I would argue that Staunton's papers highlight the often ambiguous dimensions of colonialism, and help to further examine the somewhat precarious position of white women within the story of the British Empire. After using Staunton's papers it becomes clear that they are particularly strong in three key areas. Firstly the way in which Staunton comments upon her own domestic circumstances, secondly her work within the Homecraft movement and thirdly her attitudes towards UDI. The Domestic Setting Describing in detail the \"little bungalow [which] faces west and does get very hot\", a large proportion of Staunton's letters focus on the Rhodesian landscape and her own garden. …","PeriodicalId":89063,"journal":{"name":"African research & documentation","volume":"1 1","pages":"19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2010-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Making Marmalade and Imperial Mentalities: the case of a Colonial wife\",\"authors\":\"Kate Law\",\"doi\":\"10.1017/s0305862x00019592\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Miriam Cheales was born in Southern Rhodesia on the 28th October 1914 at Lincoln Farm in Beatrice, just south of Salisbury to Alan and Irene Cheales. They returned to England to deal with family business in the early 1920s and Miriam was brought up in rural Lincolnshire. After completing her education she undertook some training in basic physiotherapy, and served as a nurse during World War Two. In September 1945 Miriam married Frank Staunton. As Frank was also originally from Rhodesia, with his family farming substantial amounts of land they decided to return to Africa and Frank took a post as a native commissioner. Upon arrival in Southern Rhodesia, Staunton was both adjusting to married life and finding herself back at \\\"home\\\" despite the fact she rarely thought of herself as Rhodesian. Like many middle class colonial women, who had the drudgery of housework alleviated by the presence of black servants, Staunton became involved in voluntary work. As Deborah Kirkwood notes \\\"settler women took with them the Anglo-Saxon tradition of voluntary service and 'do gooding' so characteristic of British and American middle-class society\\\"2. Staunton became involved in the Federation of African Women's Clubs also known as the Homecraft movement which was an attempt, to \\\"teach groups of African women in the villages something about hygiene & health for themselves and their families\\\".3 Staunton devoted large amounts of her time to working within the women's clubs, noting in one letter to her brother that \\\"this FAWC is jolly nearly a full time job\\\".4 It is interesting to note the ambiguities surrounding Miriam Staunton's role in the clubs, when it is remembered that she was the wife of the local native commissioner, who was the 'man on the spot'.5 The ambiguity of the situation is further highlighted when it is remembered that most wives held conservative views and would not have socialised with African women on the scale that Staunton did. In his own memoirs Miriam's husband, Frank reflected on the fact that \\\"Miriam [was]... a bit too friendly towards the Africans\\\"6, as his superiors often commented on the level of socialising Miriam did with African women. She herself noted that we are rather pioneering in social relationships. Certainly I have the dear black sisters popping in to see me at all hours, which I would not have thought of 4 years ago. I am really fond of many of them as people... (Quite a number of Europeans have never met them on equal terms so to speak). 7 Staunton's papers are located in Rhodes House Oxford, and I spent a week using them in April 2009. Comprising just three cartons, the physical size of Staunton's papers cannot do them justice in what they can offer the women's and imperial historian alike. Staunton's papers primarily consist of letters she wrote to her mother and brother who remained in Britain, alongside various ephemera relating to the voluntary work she did within the Homecraft Movement. In this paper, I will be examining the contents of Staunton's papers with the suggestion that the collection illuminates not only the rituals of Staunton's domestic milieu but that a reading of them helps shed light on broader political themes, regarding what Carolyn Martin Shaw has called white women's attempts to further the colonial project.8 I would argue that Staunton's papers highlight the often ambiguous dimensions of colonialism, and help to further examine the somewhat precarious position of white women within the story of the British Empire. After using Staunton's papers it becomes clear that they are particularly strong in three key areas. Firstly the way in which Staunton comments upon her own domestic circumstances, secondly her work within the Homecraft movement and thirdly her attitudes towards UDI. The Domestic Setting Describing in detail the \\\"little bungalow [which] faces west and does get very hot\\\", a large proportion of Staunton's letters focus on the Rhodesian landscape and her own garden. …\",\"PeriodicalId\":89063,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"African research & documentation\",\"volume\":\"1 1\",\"pages\":\"19\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2010-01-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"African research & documentation\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00019592\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"African research & documentation","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00019592","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
米里亚姆·切莱斯于1914年10月28日出生在南罗得西亚的比阿特丽斯林肯农场,就在索尔兹伯里南部,艾伦和艾琳·切莱斯的父母。20世纪20年代初,他们回到英国处理家族生意,米里亚姆在林肯郡的农村长大。完成学业后,她接受了一些基础物理治疗的培训,并在第二次世界大战期间担任护士。1945年9月,米里亚姆嫁给了弗兰克·斯汤顿。由于弗兰克最初也是来自罗得西亚,他的家人经营着大量的土地,他们决定回到非洲,弗兰克担任了当地专员的职务。抵达南罗得西亚后,斯汤顿既适应了婚姻生活,又发现自己回到了“家”,尽管她很少认为自己是罗得西亚人。像许多中产阶级殖民地妇女一样,黑人仆人的存在减轻了家务的苦差事,斯汤顿开始参与志愿工作。正如黛博拉·柯克伍德所指出的那样,“移民妇女带走了盎格鲁-撒克逊人志愿服务和‘行善’的传统,这是英美中产阶级社会的特征”。斯汤顿参与了非洲妇女俱乐部联合会,也被称为家政运动,这是一项尝试,“向农村的非洲妇女团体传授她们自己和家庭的卫生和健康知识”斯汤顿花了大量的时间在妇女俱乐部工作,在给她哥哥的一封信中指出,“这个FAWC几乎是一份全职工作”有趣的是,当人们记得她是当地土著专员的妻子时,注意到米里亚姆斯汤顿在俱乐部中的角色是含糊不清的,她是“现场的人”当人们想起大多数妻子都持有保守的观点,不会像斯汤顿那样与非洲女性进行大规模的社交活动时,情况的模糊性就更加突出了。弗兰克在自己的回忆录《米里亚姆的丈夫》中回忆道:“米里亚姆……对非洲人有点太友好了”,他的上司经常这样评价米里亚姆与非洲女性的交往水平。她自己也指出,我们在社会关系方面处于领先地位。当然,亲爱的黑人姐妹们会随时来看我,这在四年前是我无法想象的。我真的很喜欢他们中的许多人……(可以说,相当多的欧洲人从来没有平等地对待过他们)。斯汤顿的论文存放在牛津大学罗兹馆(Rhodes House Oxford),我在2009年4月用了一个星期。斯汤顿的纸张只有三个纸盒,它们的物理尺寸无法为女性和帝国历史学家提供足够的信息。斯汤顿的文件主要包括她写给留在英国的母亲和兄弟的信件,以及她在家庭运动中所做的志愿工作的各种短暂记录。在本文中,我将研究斯汤顿论文的内容,并建议这些论文不仅阐明了斯汤顿家庭环境的仪式,而且对它们的阅读有助于阐明更广泛的政治主题,关于卡罗琳·马丁·肖(Carolyn Martin Shaw)所说的白人妇女进一步推进殖民计划的尝试我认为,斯汤顿的论文突出了殖民主义往往模棱两可的方面,并有助于进一步研究白人妇女在大英帝国的故事中有些不稳定的地位。在使用了斯汤顿的论文之后,很明显他们在三个关键领域特别强大。首先是斯汤顿评论自己家庭环境的方式,其次是她在家庭主妇运动中的工作,第三是她对UDI的态度。斯汤顿的信中详细描述了“朝西的小平房,天气很热”,很大一部分都集中在罗得西亚的风景和她自己的花园上。...
Making Marmalade and Imperial Mentalities: the case of a Colonial wife
Miriam Cheales was born in Southern Rhodesia on the 28th October 1914 at Lincoln Farm in Beatrice, just south of Salisbury to Alan and Irene Cheales. They returned to England to deal with family business in the early 1920s and Miriam was brought up in rural Lincolnshire. After completing her education she undertook some training in basic physiotherapy, and served as a nurse during World War Two. In September 1945 Miriam married Frank Staunton. As Frank was also originally from Rhodesia, with his family farming substantial amounts of land they decided to return to Africa and Frank took a post as a native commissioner. Upon arrival in Southern Rhodesia, Staunton was both adjusting to married life and finding herself back at "home" despite the fact she rarely thought of herself as Rhodesian. Like many middle class colonial women, who had the drudgery of housework alleviated by the presence of black servants, Staunton became involved in voluntary work. As Deborah Kirkwood notes "settler women took with them the Anglo-Saxon tradition of voluntary service and 'do gooding' so characteristic of British and American middle-class society"2. Staunton became involved in the Federation of African Women's Clubs also known as the Homecraft movement which was an attempt, to "teach groups of African women in the villages something about hygiene & health for themselves and their families".3 Staunton devoted large amounts of her time to working within the women's clubs, noting in one letter to her brother that "this FAWC is jolly nearly a full time job".4 It is interesting to note the ambiguities surrounding Miriam Staunton's role in the clubs, when it is remembered that she was the wife of the local native commissioner, who was the 'man on the spot'.5 The ambiguity of the situation is further highlighted when it is remembered that most wives held conservative views and would not have socialised with African women on the scale that Staunton did. In his own memoirs Miriam's husband, Frank reflected on the fact that "Miriam [was]... a bit too friendly towards the Africans"6, as his superiors often commented on the level of socialising Miriam did with African women. She herself noted that we are rather pioneering in social relationships. Certainly I have the dear black sisters popping in to see me at all hours, which I would not have thought of 4 years ago. I am really fond of many of them as people... (Quite a number of Europeans have never met them on equal terms so to speak). 7 Staunton's papers are located in Rhodes House Oxford, and I spent a week using them in April 2009. Comprising just three cartons, the physical size of Staunton's papers cannot do them justice in what they can offer the women's and imperial historian alike. Staunton's papers primarily consist of letters she wrote to her mother and brother who remained in Britain, alongside various ephemera relating to the voluntary work she did within the Homecraft Movement. In this paper, I will be examining the contents of Staunton's papers with the suggestion that the collection illuminates not only the rituals of Staunton's domestic milieu but that a reading of them helps shed light on broader political themes, regarding what Carolyn Martin Shaw has called white women's attempts to further the colonial project.8 I would argue that Staunton's papers highlight the often ambiguous dimensions of colonialism, and help to further examine the somewhat precarious position of white women within the story of the British Empire. After using Staunton's papers it becomes clear that they are particularly strong in three key areas. Firstly the way in which Staunton comments upon her own domestic circumstances, secondly her work within the Homecraft movement and thirdly her attitudes towards UDI. The Domestic Setting Describing in detail the "little bungalow [which] faces west and does get very hot", a large proportion of Staunton's letters focus on the Rhodesian landscape and her own garden. …