克里斯托弗·伍德的《艺术史》

IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 0 ART
E. Levy
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As such, the reception of Christian devotional images was not uniform at early modern Islamic courts; as Fetvacı points out, the way the Ottomans employed Christian devotional images while remaining loyal to their own visual idiom stands in contrast to how they were used in Mughal India.5 What did the collection of such diverse works of art and literature mean in the context of Sultan Ahmed’s overall goals? “By framing artworks from disparate places and times with contemporary, Ottoman illumination,” Fetvacı writes, “[Ahmed] lays claim to the materials and asserts that the aesthetics of the present moment (amply represented in the artworks included in the album) are superior to that of previous moments or different places” (86). Thus, while Ahmed’s album confirms our expectations within a history of art, its makers’ connoisseurial choices and visual strategies advanced a hierarchy among its diverse artworks, between contemporary Ottoman material and past and present artworks from East and West. Stimulated by these arguments, this reader wondered whether Mughal albums could have served as references of more detailed comparison, especially in the last chapter. In Emperor Jahangir’s now dispersed album, known as the Muraqqaʿ -i Gulshan, Mughal illuminations frame European religious imagery and Timurid and Safavid works (for example, calligraphic specimens by nastaʿ līq masters such as Mir ʿAli of Herat).6 The flowers and animals in Ahmed’s album also call to mind the prominence of those themes in Mughal albums. That emperor’s regal title, Jahangir—literally meaning “World Seizer”—also invites comparison with Ahmed’s broader ambitions. Of course, these might be questions to examine in a separate study. Perhaps a conclusion charting some future directions of research could have lent greater force to the overall aspirations of the book. In The Album of the World Emperor, Fetvacı advances a deeply learned argument that places actual and abstract juxtapositions within Ottoman and Perso-Islamic bookmaking and reading/viewing traditions. It rightly presents its material as “a local manifestation of the interconnected globe” (6). It promises to traverse some of the seemingly insurmountable boundaries between art historical fields focusing on Europe and the Islamic world. 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As such, the reception of Christian devotional images was not uniform at early modern Islamic courts; as Fetvacı points out, the way the Ottomans employed Christian devotional images while remaining loyal to their own visual idiom stands in contrast to how they were used in Mughal India.5 What did the collection of such diverse works of art and literature mean in the context of Sultan Ahmed’s overall goals? “By framing artworks from disparate places and times with contemporary, Ottoman illumination,” Fetvacı writes, “[Ahmed] lays claim to the materials and asserts that the aesthetics of the present moment (amply represented in the artworks included in the album) are superior to that of previous moments or different places” (86). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

从欧洲基督教语境中构建与伊斯兰神秘主义和启示录愿景相关的图像。除了证明玛丽和耶稣等受人尊敬的人物在伊斯兰传统中的重要性外,费特瓦奇还表明,这种参与并没有带来风格上的灵感。相反,这些印刷品是“信息的载体”(147)。因此,在早期现代伊斯兰法庭上,对基督教虔诚形象的接受并不统一;正如Fetwacı所指出的,奥斯曼人在忠于自己的视觉习惯的同时使用基督教虔诚形象的方式与莫卧儿印度的使用方式形成了鲜明对比。5在苏丹艾哈迈德的总体目标背景下,这些多样的艺术和文学作品集意味着什么?Fetwacı写道:“通过用现代奥斯曼风格的照明来构建不同地点和时代的艺术品,[艾哈迈德]对材料提出了要求,并断言当前时刻的美学(在专辑中的艺术品中得到了充分体现)优于前一时刻或不同地方的美学”(86)。因此,尽管Ahmed的专辑证实了我们对艺术史的期望,但其制作者的鉴赏家选择和视觉策略在其不同的艺术品之间推进了一种等级制度,介于当代奥斯曼材料和东西方过去和现在的艺术品之间。在这些争论的刺激下,这位读者想知道莫卧儿的相册是否可以作为更详细比较的参考,尤其是在最后一章。在贾汉吉尔皇帝现在分散的画册《穆拉卡-i Gulshan》中,莫卧儿王朝的照明构成了欧洲宗教形象以及帖木儿王朝和萨非王朝的作品(例如赫拉特的米尔·阿里等纳斯塔大师的书法标本)。6艾哈迈德画册中的花卉和动物也让人想起了莫卧儿画册中这些主题的突出地位。这位皇帝的帝王头衔Jahangir——字面意思是“世界掠夺者”——也让人将其与艾哈迈德更广泛的野心进行比较。当然,这些问题可能需要在另一项研究中进行研究。也许一个描绘未来研究方向的结论本可以为这本书的总体愿望提供更大的力量。在《世界皇帝的相册》中,费特瓦奇提出了一个深入学习的论点,将实际和抽象的并置放在奥斯曼和波斯伊斯兰的图书制作和阅读/观看传统中。它正确地将其材料描述为“互联全球的局部表现”(6)。它有望跨越以欧洲和伊斯兰世界为中心的艺术历史领域之间一些看似不可逾越的界限。因此,费特瓦奇堪称典范的学术应该会激励伊斯兰艺术历史学家和对更广泛的接触和交流感兴趣的早期现代主义者。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
A History of Art History, by Christopher S. Wood
from European Christian contexts to construct images related to Islamic visions of the occult and the apocalypse. Beyond attesting to the importance of common revered figures, such as Mary and Jesus, in the Islamic tradition, Fetvacı shows that this engagement did not lead to stylistic inspiration. Instead, these prints were “carriers of information” (147). As such, the reception of Christian devotional images was not uniform at early modern Islamic courts; as Fetvacı points out, the way the Ottomans employed Christian devotional images while remaining loyal to their own visual idiom stands in contrast to how they were used in Mughal India.5 What did the collection of such diverse works of art and literature mean in the context of Sultan Ahmed’s overall goals? “By framing artworks from disparate places and times with contemporary, Ottoman illumination,” Fetvacı writes, “[Ahmed] lays claim to the materials and asserts that the aesthetics of the present moment (amply represented in the artworks included in the album) are superior to that of previous moments or different places” (86). Thus, while Ahmed’s album confirms our expectations within a history of art, its makers’ connoisseurial choices and visual strategies advanced a hierarchy among its diverse artworks, between contemporary Ottoman material and past and present artworks from East and West. Stimulated by these arguments, this reader wondered whether Mughal albums could have served as references of more detailed comparison, especially in the last chapter. In Emperor Jahangir’s now dispersed album, known as the Muraqqaʿ -i Gulshan, Mughal illuminations frame European religious imagery and Timurid and Safavid works (for example, calligraphic specimens by nastaʿ līq masters such as Mir ʿAli of Herat).6 The flowers and animals in Ahmed’s album also call to mind the prominence of those themes in Mughal albums. That emperor’s regal title, Jahangir—literally meaning “World Seizer”—also invites comparison with Ahmed’s broader ambitions. Of course, these might be questions to examine in a separate study. Perhaps a conclusion charting some future directions of research could have lent greater force to the overall aspirations of the book. In The Album of the World Emperor, Fetvacı advances a deeply learned argument that places actual and abstract juxtapositions within Ottoman and Perso-Islamic bookmaking and reading/viewing traditions. It rightly presents its material as “a local manifestation of the interconnected globe” (6). It promises to traverse some of the seemingly insurmountable boundaries between art historical fields focusing on Europe and the Islamic world. Fetvacı’s exemplary scholarship should therefore inspire Islamic art historians and early modernists interested in contacts and exchanges more broadly.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.70
自引率
28.60%
发文量
42
期刊介绍: The Art Bulletin publishes leading scholarship in the English language in all aspects of art history as practiced in the academy, museums, and other institutions. From its founding in 1913, the journal has published, through rigorous peer review, scholarly articles and critical reviews of the highest quality in all areas and periods of the history of art. Articles take a variety of methodological approaches, from the historical to the theoretical. In its mission as a journal of record, The Art Bulletin fosters an intensive engagement with intellectual developments and debates in contemporary art-historical practice. It is published four times a year in March, June, September, and December
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