对评审的回应

Q4 Social Sciences
B. Cooper
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This is as true for the study of Paleolithic art as it is of the study of democratic government, and it is one of the themes I emphasized in Paleolithic Politics, using the succession of French schools, from the Abbe Breuil to Jean Clottes as exemplars, and notwithstanding their otherwise remarkable scientific achievements. Specifically, the insights of Alexander Marshack, which began with his reflections on a problem he initially encountered as part of a very conventional and journalistic research project, happened to be recognized by a major archaeological scholar, Hallam Movius Jr., director of the Peabody Museum at Harvard. In addition, Movius happened to be open-minded with respect to Marshack’s enthusiasm. Marshack was excited to realize that the well-known cave and mobile art of the Upper Paleolithic was symbolic, not just decorative, and that it conveyed a meaning that could be decoded and reconstituted by contemporaries typically using the discursive language of archaeological science. With Movius’ help he did so. Marshack’s work was, and remains, controversial. Moreover, because it was based on a finely developed connoisseurship that took many years to perfect, it has scarcely been replicated. To the impoverishment of archaeology, it has been turned into something of a period piece. A second scholar, who was even more of an “outsider” with respect to any archaeological school, was Marie König. She was less pugnacious than Marshack, but her insights (to my mind) were more profound. In addition, she had much greater difficulties receiving a hearing from the established scholars, being both female and what the Germans called a “private scholar,” Privatgelehrtin, which is not a term of praise. Her interpretations were based on her recognition that similar symbols were used by human beings remote from one another in time and space. She concluded that they expressed similar and perhaps equivalent experiences of cosmic order. König saw that the otherwise enigmatic petroglyphs visible today in the caves and rock shelters of the Fontainebleau Forest (and elsewhere) were expressions of that order. Even more audaciously, she argued that Paleolithic symbols were transmitted into Roman times through the unexpected vehicle of Celtic numismatics. König had been working on her account of Paleolithic symbolism for several years prior to delivering a paper at a scholarly conference in Rome in 1968. Eric Voegelin was in the audience. He approached her, excited about what he had heard, and proposed a collaboration. Looked at from the perspective of Voegelinian political science, Paleolithic Politics aims to apply Voegelin’s philosophy of consciousness (which I discussed in Consciousness and Politics) to “materials” that he was never able to consider in any detail. Readers of Voegelin’s Order and History will be familiar with his concept of “cosmological empire” to describe Mesopotamian and Egyptian political organizations. With König’s insights he realized that cosmological order could be distinguished from and imperial political “substructure” that sustained the meaning of early imperial politics. To simplify somewhat: the fact that cave images and mobilary art exist is significant because it seems evident that humans (including Neandertals) existed for ages in the absence of art or, if they produced art, it was temporary because it was inscribed on perishable objects such as animal hides or wood. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

让我以蒂洛·沙伯特的评论开始回应我对新书《旧石器时代政治》的这些非常慷慨的评论。他说,知识是不稳定的,尽管奖学金旨在使知识持久可用。此外,知识的“生产”伴随着野心:一个人总是希望自己的作品被接受,同时也是真实的。然而,接受往往取决于遵循正确的方法或确认公认的惯例和判断。然后,沙伯特提请人们注意他所说的“学者的傲慢”,这种傲慢在各种思想流派中表现出来,尽管如此,它们还是相互继承,通常是在相互指责和尖锐批评的阴云中,对自己的前任是如何如此愚蠢的。这对于旧石器时代艺术的研究和民主政府的研究都是如此,这也是我在《旧石器时代政治》中强调的主题之一,以法国学派的继承为例,从Abbe Breuil到Jean Clottes,尽管他们在其他方面取得了非凡的科学成就。具体来说,亚历山大·马沙克的见解,始于他对一个问题的思考,这个问题最初是他在一个非常传统的新闻研究项目中遇到的,碰巧得到了一位主要考古学者、哈佛大学皮博迪博物馆馆长小哈勒姆·莫维斯的认可。此外,莫维斯对马沙克的热情也持开放态度。Marshack很高兴地意识到,旧石器时代晚期著名的洞穴和流动艺术是象征性的,而不仅仅是装饰性的,它传达了一种意义,同时代人通常可以使用考古科学的话语语言来解读和重建这种意义。在莫维斯的帮助下,他做到了。马沙克的工作过去和现在都是有争议的。此外,因为它是建立在一种精细发展的鉴赏力基础上的,花了很多年才完善,所以它几乎没有被复制过。由于考古学的贫乏,它已经变成了一件时代的作品。第二位学者是Marie König,她比任何考古学派都更像是一个“局外人”。她没有马沙克那么好斗,但她的见解(在我看来)更深刻。此外,她在听取知名学者的意见时遇到了更大的困难,因为她既是女性,又是德国人所说的“私人学者”Privategelehrtin,这不是一个赞美的词。她的解释是基于她认识到类似的符号在时间和空间上被彼此遥远的人类使用。她得出的结论是,它们表达了类似的,也许是等价的宇宙秩序体验。König发现,今天在枫丹白露森林(以及其他地方)的洞穴和岩石避难所中看到的神秘岩画就是这种秩序的表现。更大胆的是,她认为旧石器时代的符号是通过凯尔特钱币学的意外载体传播到罗马时代的。柯尼格在1968年罗马的一次学术会议上发表论文之前,已经对旧石器时代的象征主义进行了几年的研究。埃里克·沃格林在观众席上。他走近她,对所听到的一切感到兴奋,并提议合作。从沃格林政治学的角度来看,《旧石器时代政治》旨在将沃格林的意识哲学(我在《意识与政治》中讨论过)应用于他从未能够详细考虑的“材料”。Voegelin的《秩序与历史》的读者将熟悉他描述美索不达米亚和埃及政治组织的“宇宙帝国”概念。凭借柯尼格的真知灼见,他意识到宇宙秩序可以与维持早期帝国政治意义的帝国政治“亚结构”区分开来。简单地说:洞穴图像和流动艺术的存在意义重大,因为很明显,人类(包括尼安德特人)在没有艺术的情况下存在了很长一段时间,或者,如果他们创造了艺术,这是暂时的,因为它刻在兽皮或木材等易腐物品上。也就是说,当早期人类创造了持久的艺术,这是一种可以被一代又一代的老手所考虑的艺术时,他们进行了一种创新,一种表达了新意义的创造性行动。在这种背景下,我发现了沃格林的概念,“
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Response to Reviews
Let me begin my response to these very generous reviews of my recent book, Paleolithic Politics, with the remarks by Tilo Schabert. Knowledge, he said, is precarious, though scholarship aims to make knowledge lastingly available. Moreover, the “production” of knowledge is accompanied by ambition: one always wants one’s work to be accepted as well as to be true. Often, however, acceptance hinges upon following the right method or confirming accepted conventions and judgements. Schabert then drew attention to what he called “the arrogance of scholars” expressed within various schools of thought, which nevertheless succeed one another, usually in a cloud of recrimination and sharp criticism of how one’s predecessors could have been so foolish. This is as true for the study of Paleolithic art as it is of the study of democratic government, and it is one of the themes I emphasized in Paleolithic Politics, using the succession of French schools, from the Abbe Breuil to Jean Clottes as exemplars, and notwithstanding their otherwise remarkable scientific achievements. Specifically, the insights of Alexander Marshack, which began with his reflections on a problem he initially encountered as part of a very conventional and journalistic research project, happened to be recognized by a major archaeological scholar, Hallam Movius Jr., director of the Peabody Museum at Harvard. In addition, Movius happened to be open-minded with respect to Marshack’s enthusiasm. Marshack was excited to realize that the well-known cave and mobile art of the Upper Paleolithic was symbolic, not just decorative, and that it conveyed a meaning that could be decoded and reconstituted by contemporaries typically using the discursive language of archaeological science. With Movius’ help he did so. Marshack’s work was, and remains, controversial. Moreover, because it was based on a finely developed connoisseurship that took many years to perfect, it has scarcely been replicated. To the impoverishment of archaeology, it has been turned into something of a period piece. A second scholar, who was even more of an “outsider” with respect to any archaeological school, was Marie König. She was less pugnacious than Marshack, but her insights (to my mind) were more profound. In addition, she had much greater difficulties receiving a hearing from the established scholars, being both female and what the Germans called a “private scholar,” Privatgelehrtin, which is not a term of praise. Her interpretations were based on her recognition that similar symbols were used by human beings remote from one another in time and space. She concluded that they expressed similar and perhaps equivalent experiences of cosmic order. König saw that the otherwise enigmatic petroglyphs visible today in the caves and rock shelters of the Fontainebleau Forest (and elsewhere) were expressions of that order. Even more audaciously, she argued that Paleolithic symbols were transmitted into Roman times through the unexpected vehicle of Celtic numismatics. König had been working on her account of Paleolithic symbolism for several years prior to delivering a paper at a scholarly conference in Rome in 1968. Eric Voegelin was in the audience. He approached her, excited about what he had heard, and proposed a collaboration. Looked at from the perspective of Voegelinian political science, Paleolithic Politics aims to apply Voegelin’s philosophy of consciousness (which I discussed in Consciousness and Politics) to “materials” that he was never able to consider in any detail. Readers of Voegelin’s Order and History will be familiar with his concept of “cosmological empire” to describe Mesopotamian and Egyptian political organizations. With König’s insights he realized that cosmological order could be distinguished from and imperial political “substructure” that sustained the meaning of early imperial politics. To simplify somewhat: the fact that cave images and mobilary art exist is significant because it seems evident that humans (including Neandertals) existed for ages in the absence of art or, if they produced art, it was temporary because it was inscribed on perishable objects such as animal hides or wood. That is, when early humans created lasting art, art that could be contemplated by generations of adepts, they undertook an innovation, a creative action that expressed a new meaning. In this context, I found Voegelin’s concept, “the primary
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来源期刊
Perspectives on Political Science
Perspectives on Political Science Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
0.20
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24
期刊介绍: Whether discussing Montaigne"s case for tolerance or Nietzsche"s political critique of modern science, Perspectives on Political Science links contemporary politics and culture to the enduring questions posed by great thinkers from antiquity to the present. Ideas are the lifeblood of the journal, which comprises articles, symposia, and book reviews. Recent articles address the writings of Aristotle, Adam Smith, and Plutarch; the movies No Country for Old Men and 3:10 to Yuma; and the role of humility in modern political thought.
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