合法性之争:革命后埃及的镇压与反抗

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY
A. Abdelhamid
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By engaging with the concepts of ‘‘strategic interaction, discursive contestation, and political subjectivation’’ (p. 28), Grimm analyzes rich primary and secondary data to emphasize the ‘‘situatedness and contingency of social change’’ (p. 22). Unlike mainstream accounts that make clear-cut distinctions between the different contenders in Egypt’s postrevolutionary political arena, Grimm illustrates the inherent instability of discourses that shape the ever-shifting conduct and alliancemaking strategies of these contenders. In the introduction, Grimm presents his main argument: Contentious politics in Egypt in the past decade have centered on struggles around competing conceptualizations of Egyptian identity, and these are played out in ‘‘the performative and discursive interaction of diverse coalitions of contenders and their authoritarian counterparts’’ (p. 19). Crucial in these interactions is the role of ‘‘behaviors, strategies, and emotions’’ (p. 22) that sometimes result in successful coalition-forming across difference and at other times reinforce authoritarian practices. Grimm rejects prominent readings of counterrevolution in Egypt as a ‘‘journey back to square one’’ devised by ‘‘the wit of Egypt’s elites and the machinations of a deep state’’ (p. 35). He rejects the predetermined outcome of revolution in authoritarian contexts that these prominent readings purport. Instead, he underlines the contingency of the conditions of possibility based on how players and their political projects interact with one another. In Chapter Two, Grimm elaborates on this last point by employing a ‘‘constructivist approach’’ (p. 44) that centers the agency of different players, rather than resilient authoritarian structures, in determining the effectiveness of ‘‘cross-class and cross-ideological mobilization’’ (p. 46). Within this theoretical framework, the extent to which mobilization is successful is ‘‘understood as symptoms of subjectivation processes’’ (p. 49). The emphasis on agency allows for a nuanced understanding of the ways in which resistance informs the formation of new subjectivities and changes the conditions of possibility for the various contenders. By using discourse theoretical approaches, the book is very effective in showing how struggles over meaningmaking are a ‘‘constitutive element of the social center stage’’ (p. 55), particularly through the subversion of taken-for-granted discourses, which has the potential to ‘‘renegotiate the limits of what is thinkable . . . and doable’’ (p. 59). In Chapter Three, Grimm explores the transformative events in the period directly before the coup. Although this period reflects a country-wide rejection of President Mursi’s rule under the auspices of the security forces, Grimm argues that it was the coalition between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces a year prior that blurred the ‘‘boundaries between state and social players’’ (p. 85). This allowed the popular campaign against Mursi, Tamarod, to establish ‘‘a new political frontier’’ (p. 85) by redefining the meanings of revolution, democracy, and legitimacy in ways that pitted the Muslim brotherhood against all other Egyptians. 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These are the resistance tactics against the July 3, 2013 military coup, spearheaded by the National Alliance to Support Legitimacy (NASL), and those of the Popular Campaign to Protect the Land (PCPL) in 2016, against the transfer of two Egyptian islands to Saudi Arabia. However, author Jannis Julien Grimm has done so much more than lay out the events of these episodes. By engaging with the concepts of ‘‘strategic interaction, discursive contestation, and political subjectivation’’ (p. 28), Grimm analyzes rich primary and secondary data to emphasize the ‘‘situatedness and contingency of social change’’ (p. 22). Unlike mainstream accounts that make clear-cut distinctions between the different contenders in Egypt’s postrevolutionary political arena, Grimm illustrates the inherent instability of discourses that shape the ever-shifting conduct and alliancemaking strategies of these contenders. In the introduction, Grimm presents his main argument: Contentious politics in Egypt in the past decade have centered on struggles around competing conceptualizations of Egyptian identity, and these are played out in ‘‘the performative and discursive interaction of diverse coalitions of contenders and their authoritarian counterparts’’ (p. 19). Crucial in these interactions is the role of ‘‘behaviors, strategies, and emotions’’ (p. 22) that sometimes result in successful coalition-forming across difference and at other times reinforce authoritarian practices. Grimm rejects prominent readings of counterrevolution in Egypt as a ‘‘journey back to square one’’ devised by ‘‘the wit of Egypt’s elites and the machinations of a deep state’’ (p. 35). He rejects the predetermined outcome of revolution in authoritarian contexts that these prominent readings purport. Instead, he underlines the contingency of the conditions of possibility based on how players and their political projects interact with one another. In Chapter Two, Grimm elaborates on this last point by employing a ‘‘constructivist approach’’ (p. 44) that centers the agency of different players, rather than resilient authoritarian structures, in determining the effectiveness of ‘‘cross-class and cross-ideological mobilization’’ (p. 46). Within this theoretical framework, the extent to which mobilization is successful is ‘‘understood as symptoms of subjectivation processes’’ (p. 49). The emphasis on agency allows for a nuanced understanding of the ways in which resistance informs the formation of new subjectivities and changes the conditions of possibility for the various contenders. By using discourse theoretical approaches, the book is very effective in showing how struggles over meaningmaking are a ‘‘constitutive element of the social center stage’’ (p. 55), particularly through the subversion of taken-for-granted discourses, which has the potential to ‘‘renegotiate the limits of what is thinkable . . . and doable’’ (p. 59). In Chapter Three, Grimm explores the transformative events in the period directly before the coup. Although this period reflects a country-wide rejection of President Mursi’s rule under the auspices of the security forces, Grimm argues that it was the coalition between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces a year prior that blurred the ‘‘boundaries between state and social players’’ (p. 85). 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引用次数: 1

摘要

有争议的合法性:革命后埃及的镇压和起义提供了一本关于政变后埃及有争议政治的小说。这本书成功地详细记录了埃及最近的抗议历史,特别是在革命后的埃及,“改变有争议的动态轨迹”的两集(第62页)。这些是针对2013年7月3日由全国支持合法性联盟(NASL)领导的军事政变的抵抗策略,以及2016年保护土地人民运动(PCPL)反对将两个埃及岛屿移交给沙特阿拉伯的抵抗策略。然而,作家詹尼斯·朱利安·格里姆所做的远不止这些事件。通过运用“策略互动、话语争论和政治主观主义”的概念(第28页),格林分析了丰富的初级和次级数据,以强调“社会变革的情境性和偶然性”(第22页)。与在埃及革命后政治舞台上对不同竞争者进行明确区分的主流报道不同,格里姆展示了话语的内在不稳定性,这些话语塑造了这些竞争者不断变化的行为和结盟策略。在引言中,格林提出了他的主要论点:在过去的十年里,埃及充满争议的政治集中在围绕埃及身份的竞争概念的斗争上,这些斗争在“竞争者及其独裁对手的不同联盟的表演和话语互动”中表现出来(第19页)。在这些互动中至关重要的是“行为、策略和情绪”的作用(第22页),这些作用有时会导致跨越差异的成功联盟形成,有时会强化威权主义做法。格里姆反对将埃及反革命解读为“埃及精英的智慧和深层国家的阴谋”设计的“回到原点的旅程”(第35页)。他拒绝接受这些著名读物所宣称的独裁背景下革命的预定结果。相反,他强调了基于参与者及其政治项目如何相互作用的可能性条件的偶然性。在第二章中,格林通过采用“建构主义方法”(第44页)阐述了最后一点,该方法以不同参与者的代理为中心,而不是弹性的威权结构,来确定“跨阶级和跨意识形态动员”的有效性(第46页)。在这个理论框架内,动员成功的程度是“被理解为主观主义过程的症状”(第49页)。对能动性的强调使我们能够细致入微地理解抵抗是如何形成新的主观主义并改变各种竞争者的可能性条件的。通过使用话语理论方法,这本书非常有效地展示了对意义形成的斗争是如何成为“社会中心舞台的组成元素”的(第55页),特别是通过颠覆被视为理所当然的话语,这有可能“突破可思考的极限……”。“可行”(第59页)。在第三章中,格林探讨了政变前发生的变革性事件。尽管这一时期反映了全国范围内对穆尔西总统在安全部队支持下的统治的拒绝,但格里姆认为,正是穆斯林兄弟会和武装部队最高委员会一年前的联盟模糊了“国家和社会参与者之间的界限”(第85页)。这使得反对穆尔西(Tamarod)的民众运动通过重新定义革命、民主和合法性的含义,建立了“新的政治边界”(第85页),使穆斯林兄弟会与所有其他埃及人对立起来。第四章展示了NASL通过回应评论获得更广泛支持的努力345
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Contested Legitimacies: Repression and Revolt in Post-Revolutionary Egypt
Contested Legitimacies: Repression and Revolt in Post-Revolutionary Egypt offers a novel reading of contentious politics in post-coup Egypt. The book successfully documents Egypt’s recent protest history in great detail, particularly two episodes that have been central in ‘‘influencing the trajectory of contentious dynamics’’ in post-revolutionary Egypt (p. 62). These are the resistance tactics against the July 3, 2013 military coup, spearheaded by the National Alliance to Support Legitimacy (NASL), and those of the Popular Campaign to Protect the Land (PCPL) in 2016, against the transfer of two Egyptian islands to Saudi Arabia. However, author Jannis Julien Grimm has done so much more than lay out the events of these episodes. By engaging with the concepts of ‘‘strategic interaction, discursive contestation, and political subjectivation’’ (p. 28), Grimm analyzes rich primary and secondary data to emphasize the ‘‘situatedness and contingency of social change’’ (p. 22). Unlike mainstream accounts that make clear-cut distinctions between the different contenders in Egypt’s postrevolutionary political arena, Grimm illustrates the inherent instability of discourses that shape the ever-shifting conduct and alliancemaking strategies of these contenders. In the introduction, Grimm presents his main argument: Contentious politics in Egypt in the past decade have centered on struggles around competing conceptualizations of Egyptian identity, and these are played out in ‘‘the performative and discursive interaction of diverse coalitions of contenders and their authoritarian counterparts’’ (p. 19). Crucial in these interactions is the role of ‘‘behaviors, strategies, and emotions’’ (p. 22) that sometimes result in successful coalition-forming across difference and at other times reinforce authoritarian practices. Grimm rejects prominent readings of counterrevolution in Egypt as a ‘‘journey back to square one’’ devised by ‘‘the wit of Egypt’s elites and the machinations of a deep state’’ (p. 35). He rejects the predetermined outcome of revolution in authoritarian contexts that these prominent readings purport. Instead, he underlines the contingency of the conditions of possibility based on how players and their political projects interact with one another. In Chapter Two, Grimm elaborates on this last point by employing a ‘‘constructivist approach’’ (p. 44) that centers the agency of different players, rather than resilient authoritarian structures, in determining the effectiveness of ‘‘cross-class and cross-ideological mobilization’’ (p. 46). Within this theoretical framework, the extent to which mobilization is successful is ‘‘understood as symptoms of subjectivation processes’’ (p. 49). The emphasis on agency allows for a nuanced understanding of the ways in which resistance informs the formation of new subjectivities and changes the conditions of possibility for the various contenders. By using discourse theoretical approaches, the book is very effective in showing how struggles over meaningmaking are a ‘‘constitutive element of the social center stage’’ (p. 55), particularly through the subversion of taken-for-granted discourses, which has the potential to ‘‘renegotiate the limits of what is thinkable . . . and doable’’ (p. 59). In Chapter Three, Grimm explores the transformative events in the period directly before the coup. Although this period reflects a country-wide rejection of President Mursi’s rule under the auspices of the security forces, Grimm argues that it was the coalition between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces a year prior that blurred the ‘‘boundaries between state and social players’’ (p. 85). This allowed the popular campaign against Mursi, Tamarod, to establish ‘‘a new political frontier’’ (p. 85) by redefining the meanings of revolution, democracy, and legitimacy in ways that pitted the Muslim brotherhood against all other Egyptians. Chapter Four demonstrates NASL’s efforts to garner wider support by responding to the Reviews 345
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