{"title":"代际政治:建国初期上海工厂的革命与生产","authors":"Yajuan Liu, Yifan Shi","doi":"10.1080/0023656X.2023.2208047","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Following the takeover of Shanghai, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used ‘generation’ as a key regulatory technique to mold the working class into a reliable leading class. From 1949 to late 1952, through a series of political movements, junior workers (qinggong), who had been professionally incompetent, were granted the identity of ‘activists’ and elevated to a politically superior position over senior workers (lao gongren). From late 1952, however, the CCP became reliant on skilled senior workers after the consolidation of the new order and the launch of industrialization. During the handling of the 1956–1957 Shanghai Strike, the CCP protected senior workers and blamed junior workers, thus finalizing the logic of ‘junior workers learning from senior workers,’ which persisted until the eve of the Cultural Revolution. This article argues that the CCP strategically divided the working class into junior and senior workers and employed generational politics as a tool for regulating the working class.","PeriodicalId":45777,"journal":{"name":"Labor History","volume":"64 1","pages":"147 - 164"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7000,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Generational politics: revolution versus production in Shanghai factories in the early years of the people’s republic of China\",\"authors\":\"Yajuan Liu, Yifan Shi\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/0023656X.2023.2208047\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACT Following the takeover of Shanghai, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used ‘generation’ as a key regulatory technique to mold the working class into a reliable leading class. From 1949 to late 1952, through a series of political movements, junior workers (qinggong), who had been professionally incompetent, were granted the identity of ‘activists’ and elevated to a politically superior position over senior workers (lao gongren). From late 1952, however, the CCP became reliant on skilled senior workers after the consolidation of the new order and the launch of industrialization. During the handling of the 1956–1957 Shanghai Strike, the CCP protected senior workers and blamed junior workers, thus finalizing the logic of ‘junior workers learning from senior workers,’ which persisted until the eve of the Cultural Revolution. This article argues that the CCP strategically divided the working class into junior and senior workers and employed generational politics as a tool for regulating the working class.\",\"PeriodicalId\":45777,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Labor History\",\"volume\":\"64 1\",\"pages\":\"147 - 164\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.7000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-03-04\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Labor History\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"91\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2023.2208047\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"管理学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q1\",\"JCRName\":\"HISTORY\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Labor History","FirstCategoryId":"91","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2023.2208047","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
Generational politics: revolution versus production in Shanghai factories in the early years of the people’s republic of China
ABSTRACT Following the takeover of Shanghai, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used ‘generation’ as a key regulatory technique to mold the working class into a reliable leading class. From 1949 to late 1952, through a series of political movements, junior workers (qinggong), who had been professionally incompetent, were granted the identity of ‘activists’ and elevated to a politically superior position over senior workers (lao gongren). From late 1952, however, the CCP became reliant on skilled senior workers after the consolidation of the new order and the launch of industrialization. During the handling of the 1956–1957 Shanghai Strike, the CCP protected senior workers and blamed junior workers, thus finalizing the logic of ‘junior workers learning from senior workers,’ which persisted until the eve of the Cultural Revolution. This article argues that the CCP strategically divided the working class into junior and senior workers and employed generational politics as a tool for regulating the working class.
期刊介绍:
Labor History is the pre-eminent journal for historical scholarship on labor. It is thoroughly ecumenical in its approach and showcases the work of labor historians, industrial relations scholars, labor economists, political scientists, sociologists, social movement theorists, business scholars and all others who write about labor issues. Labor History is also committed to geographical and chronological breadth. It publishes work on labor in the US and all other areas of the world. It is concerned with questions of labor in every time period, from the eighteenth century to contemporary events. Labor History provides a forum for all labor scholars, thus helping to bind together a large but fragmented area of study. By embracing all disciplines, time frames and locales, Labor History is the flagship journal of the entire field. All research articles published in the journal have undergone rigorous peer review, based on initial editor screening and refereeing by at least two anonymous referees.