{"title":"安德里亚·D·西姆斯的影响性缺陷(综述)","authors":"F. Gladney","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2017.0005","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The Russian verb pobedit’ ‘conquer’ shows what Sims calls canonical defectiveness, “the complete lack of any word-form filling a given paradigm cell [...] in the context of a maximal expectation that there should be some form corresponding to that cell” (250). That cell is the first-person singular nonpast, in which *pobežu is bad and so are *pobedju and *pobeždu. In this wide-ranging study she cites data from two dozen languages and employs a variety of tools like statistical analysis and information theory in order to provide a context for understanding the defectiveness of pobedit’. Introductory chapter 1 poses the question: Are paradigm gaps random anomalies, epiphenomena, or normal morphological objects? They are anomalies when they are generated by the regular rules of inflection but then must be specified [–lexical insertion] to prevent their occurring in a sentence. They are epiphenomenal when they reflect morphological rule competition, such as the competition between the Russian reflex of /dj/ (in *pobežu) and the Church Slavic reflex (in *pobeždu). The epiphenomena explanation could have been pursued further. The same competition between Russian ž and Church Slavic žd is seen in the nonoccurring imperfective *pobeživat’ and the standard imperfective pobeždat’, which shows that the Church Slavic reflex, although acceptable in derivation, is not acceptable in inflection (or no longer acceptable: Pushkin had straždut as the 3pl. of stradat’ ‘suffer’, but it has been replaced by stradajut). Sims rejects these two options and throughout the book repeatedly argues that such gaps are “normal morphological objects” (209) and that inflectional defectiveness is “a systemic variant of normal inflectional structure” (11). In chapter 2 Sims defines inflectional defectiveness and evaluates candidates for it. In the Yimas sentence taŋatpul ‘You didn’t hit me’, the absence of ma ‘you’ is not a gap because the sentence is well formed and interpreted as having a second-person singular subject. (“This is thus an example of zero expression of the nominative, which is not to be confused with lack of expression” [32]) “Inasmuch as [taŋatpul] is a well-formed sentence and the ineffability requirement of the definition is thus not met, this does” [surely the author","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2017-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/jsl.2017.0005","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Inflectional defectiveness by Andrea D. Sims (review)\",\"authors\":\"F. 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They are epiphenomenal when they reflect morphological rule competition, such as the competition between the Russian reflex of /dj/ (in *pobežu) and the Church Slavic reflex (in *pobeždu). The epiphenomena explanation could have been pursued further. The same competition between Russian ž and Church Slavic žd is seen in the nonoccurring imperfective *pobeživat’ and the standard imperfective pobeždat’, which shows that the Church Slavic reflex, although acceptable in derivation, is not acceptable in inflection (or no longer acceptable: Pushkin had straždut as the 3pl. of stradat’ ‘suffer’, but it has been replaced by stradajut). Sims rejects these two options and throughout the book repeatedly argues that such gaps are “normal morphological objects” (209) and that inflectional defectiveness is “a systemic variant of normal inflectional structure” (11). In chapter 2 Sims defines inflectional defectiveness and evaluates candidates for it. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
俄语动词pobedit“征服”显示了西姆斯所说的规范缺陷,“在最大期望应该有某种形式对应于给定范式单元格的情况下,完全没有任何单词形式填充该单元格[…]”(250)。这个细胞是第一人称单数的无党派,其中*pobežu是坏的,*pobedju和*pobe-du也是坏的。在这项范围广泛的研究中,她引用了20多种语言的数据,并使用了统计分析和信息理论等各种工具,为理解pobedit的缺陷提供了背景。引言第1章提出了一个问题:范式间隙是随机异常、副现象还是正常形态对象?当它们由规则的屈折规则生成时,它们是异常的,但必须指定[-词汇插入],以防止它们在句子中出现。当它们反映形态规则竞争时,它们是副现象,例如/dj/(在*pobežu中)的俄语反射和Church Slavic反射(在*pobeždu中)之间的竞争。副现象的解释本可以进一步探究。俄语ž和教会斯拉夫语žd之间的竞争同样存在于不完全不完全的“pobeživat”和标准的不完全pobe-dat”中,这表明教会斯拉夫反射虽然在派生上是可以接受的,在屈折上是不可接受的(或者不再可接受:普希金将straždut作为stradat“受苦”的第三人称,但它已被stradajut取代)。西姆斯拒绝接受这两种选择,并在整本书中反复辩称,这种间隙是“正常的形态对象”(209),屈折缺陷是“正常屈折结构的系统变体”(11)。在第二章中,Sims定义了屈折缺陷,并评估了它的候选者。在Yimas句子taŋatpul“You di't hit me”中,没有ma“You”并不是一个缺口,因为这个句子的形式很好,并被解释为有第二人称单数主语。(“因此,这是主格零表达的一个例子,不应与缺乏表达相混淆”[32])“由于[taŋatpul]是一个格式良好的句子,因此定义的无效性要求没有得到满足,所以确实如此”[当然,作者
Inflectional defectiveness by Andrea D. Sims (review)
The Russian verb pobedit’ ‘conquer’ shows what Sims calls canonical defectiveness, “the complete lack of any word-form filling a given paradigm cell [...] in the context of a maximal expectation that there should be some form corresponding to that cell” (250). That cell is the first-person singular nonpast, in which *pobežu is bad and so are *pobedju and *pobeždu. In this wide-ranging study she cites data from two dozen languages and employs a variety of tools like statistical analysis and information theory in order to provide a context for understanding the defectiveness of pobedit’. Introductory chapter 1 poses the question: Are paradigm gaps random anomalies, epiphenomena, or normal morphological objects? They are anomalies when they are generated by the regular rules of inflection but then must be specified [–lexical insertion] to prevent their occurring in a sentence. They are epiphenomenal when they reflect morphological rule competition, such as the competition between the Russian reflex of /dj/ (in *pobežu) and the Church Slavic reflex (in *pobeždu). The epiphenomena explanation could have been pursued further. The same competition between Russian ž and Church Slavic žd is seen in the nonoccurring imperfective *pobeživat’ and the standard imperfective pobeždat’, which shows that the Church Slavic reflex, although acceptable in derivation, is not acceptable in inflection (or no longer acceptable: Pushkin had straždut as the 3pl. of stradat’ ‘suffer’, but it has been replaced by stradajut). Sims rejects these two options and throughout the book repeatedly argues that such gaps are “normal morphological objects” (209) and that inflectional defectiveness is “a systemic variant of normal inflectional structure” (11). In chapter 2 Sims defines inflectional defectiveness and evaluates candidates for it. In the Yimas sentence taŋatpul ‘You didn’t hit me’, the absence of ma ‘you’ is not a gap because the sentence is well formed and interpreted as having a second-person singular subject. (“This is thus an example of zero expression of the nominative, which is not to be confused with lack of expression” [32]) “Inasmuch as [taŋatpul] is a well-formed sentence and the ineffability requirement of the definition is thus not met, this does” [surely the author
期刊介绍:
Journal of Slavic Linguistics, or JSL, is the official journal of the Slavic Linguistics Society. JSL publishes research articles and book reviews that address the description and analysis of Slavic languages and that are of general interest to linguists. Published papers deal with any aspect of synchronic or diachronic Slavic linguistics – phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, or pragmatics – which raises substantive problems of broad theoretical concern or proposes significant descriptive generalizations. Comparative studies and formal analyses are also published. Different theoretical orientations are represented in the journal. One volume (two issues) is published per year, ca. 360 pp.