{"title":"寸步难行:美国、俄罗斯和后冷战僵局的形成","authors":"Bradley Reynolds","doi":"10.1080/14682745.2022.2077313","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Committee (i.e. the same leaders whom China had protected from a Soviet intervention) sharply condemned the ‘lynch justice’ practised by the ‘reactionary gangs’ in Hungary (see ‘Polen für Verbleiben sowjetischer Streitkräfte’, Neues Deutschland, 3 November 1956), and in mid-November, the Chinese ambassador emphatically told Kádár that if the Hungarian leaders did not take ‘ruthless’ measures against the ‘counter-revolution’, they would be ‘swept away’ (p. 45). All in all, this work is a must-read both for specialists of Hungarian communist history and for scholars interested in the pre-1990 foreign policies of the PRC. It may also be useful for Cold War historians in general as it provides insight into the methods that the Kremlin employed to shape the actions of its East European satellites. It demonstrates how a satellite leadership sought to articulate and pursue its own specific interests within the framework imposed by its superpower patron as well as revealing how practical economic considerations could either weaken the ideologically motivated cooperation between two communist partystates or induce two estranged regimes to seek a modus vivendi. For instance, Vámos makes an observation of particularly great empirical and theoretical significance when he points out that the Soviet bloc’s post-1969 China policy was even more rigorously coordinated by Moscow than the satellites’ interactions with the United States (p. 104). Last but not least, it may be noted that Vámos’ book is fairly entertaining to read for a document collection. The files provide not only essential factual information, but also accurately reflect the psychological atmosphere in which the described events took place. To highlight one example: the Chinese embassy’s complaint about a Taiwanese label on a peanut sack – which triggered a meticulous Hungarian inquiry into the origins of the offending product – splendidly illustrates that in that period, any incident, no matter how minor or grotesque, could serve as a sufficient pretext for the Chinese leadership to pick a quarrel with a ‘revisionist’ country.","PeriodicalId":46099,"journal":{"name":"Cold War History","volume":"23 1","pages":"209 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2022-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Not one inch: America, Russia and the making of post-Cold War stalemate\",\"authors\":\"Bradley Reynolds\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/14682745.2022.2077313\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Committee (i.e. the same leaders whom China had protected from a Soviet intervention) sharply condemned the ‘lynch justice’ practised by the ‘reactionary gangs’ in Hungary (see ‘Polen für Verbleiben sowjetischer Streitkräfte’, Neues Deutschland, 3 November 1956), and in mid-November, the Chinese ambassador emphatically told Kádár that if the Hungarian leaders did not take ‘ruthless’ measures against the ‘counter-revolution’, they would be ‘swept away’ (p. 45). All in all, this work is a must-read both for specialists of Hungarian communist history and for scholars interested in the pre-1990 foreign policies of the PRC. It may also be useful for Cold War historians in general as it provides insight into the methods that the Kremlin employed to shape the actions of its East European satellites. It demonstrates how a satellite leadership sought to articulate and pursue its own specific interests within the framework imposed by its superpower patron as well as revealing how practical economic considerations could either weaken the ideologically motivated cooperation between two communist partystates or induce two estranged regimes to seek a modus vivendi. For instance, Vámos makes an observation of particularly great empirical and theoretical significance when he points out that the Soviet bloc’s post-1969 China policy was even more rigorously coordinated by Moscow than the satellites’ interactions with the United States (p. 104). Last but not least, it may be noted that Vámos’ book is fairly entertaining to read for a document collection. The files provide not only essential factual information, but also accurately reflect the psychological atmosphere in which the described events took place. 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引用次数: 2
摘要
委员会(即中国保护的那些不受苏联干预的领导人)严厉谴责匈牙利“反动帮派”实施的“私刑正义”(见“Polen für Verbleiben sowjetischer Streitkräfte”,Neues Deutschland,1956年11月3日),中国大使强调地告诉Kádár,如果匈牙利领导人不对“反革命”采取“无情”措施,他们将被“扫地出门”(第45页)。总而言之,这本书是匈牙利共产主义历史专家和对1990年前中华人民共和国外交政策感兴趣的学者的必读之作。它也可能对冷战历史学家有用,因为它深入了解了克里姆林宫用来塑造其东欧卫星行动的方法。它展示了卫星领导层如何在其超级大国赞助人强加的框架内阐明和追求自己的具体利益,并揭示了实际的经济考虑如何削弱两个共产党国家之间出于意识形态动机的合作,或诱导两个疏远的政权寻求权宜之计。例如,Vámos指出,与卫星与美国的互动相比,苏联集团1969年后的对华政策得到了莫斯科更严格的协调,这一观察具有特别重大的经验和理论意义(第104页)。最后但同样重要的是,值得注意的是,Vámos的书作为一本文献集阅读起来相当有趣。这些档案不仅提供了基本的事实信息,而且准确地反映了所描述的事件发生的心理氛围。举一个例子:中国大使馆对一个花生袋上的台湾标签的投诉——这引发了匈牙利对违规产品起源的细致调查——极好地表明,在那个时期,任何事件,无论多么轻微或怪诞,这可能成为中国领导层与一个“修正主义”国家争吵的充分借口。
Not one inch: America, Russia and the making of post-Cold War stalemate
Committee (i.e. the same leaders whom China had protected from a Soviet intervention) sharply condemned the ‘lynch justice’ practised by the ‘reactionary gangs’ in Hungary (see ‘Polen für Verbleiben sowjetischer Streitkräfte’, Neues Deutschland, 3 November 1956), and in mid-November, the Chinese ambassador emphatically told Kádár that if the Hungarian leaders did not take ‘ruthless’ measures against the ‘counter-revolution’, they would be ‘swept away’ (p. 45). All in all, this work is a must-read both for specialists of Hungarian communist history and for scholars interested in the pre-1990 foreign policies of the PRC. It may also be useful for Cold War historians in general as it provides insight into the methods that the Kremlin employed to shape the actions of its East European satellites. It demonstrates how a satellite leadership sought to articulate and pursue its own specific interests within the framework imposed by its superpower patron as well as revealing how practical economic considerations could either weaken the ideologically motivated cooperation between two communist partystates or induce two estranged regimes to seek a modus vivendi. For instance, Vámos makes an observation of particularly great empirical and theoretical significance when he points out that the Soviet bloc’s post-1969 China policy was even more rigorously coordinated by Moscow than the satellites’ interactions with the United States (p. 104). Last but not least, it may be noted that Vámos’ book is fairly entertaining to read for a document collection. The files provide not only essential factual information, but also accurately reflect the psychological atmosphere in which the described events took place. To highlight one example: the Chinese embassy’s complaint about a Taiwanese label on a peanut sack – which triggered a meticulous Hungarian inquiry into the origins of the offending product – splendidly illustrates that in that period, any incident, no matter how minor or grotesque, could serve as a sufficient pretext for the Chinese leadership to pick a quarrel with a ‘revisionist’ country.