{"title":"从阶级到身份。前南斯拉夫教育改革的政治","authors":"Águstin Cosovschi","doi":"10.1515/soeu-2017-0014","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"interests as evangelicals during the Yugoslav wars but chose rather to seek ‘biblical responses’ to ‘alleviate the human suff ering of neighbor and enemy alike’ (Politicization of Religion, the Power of State, Nation, and Faith, 111). In their summaries at the ends of the books, the editors are right to underscore once again that the post-Yugoslav situation is a matt er not only of the old and new states in Southeastern Europe but of the whole of Europe which had interfered both actively and passively in the Yugoslav wars. The editors also point out the danger of the self-reproduction of religious symbols by religious institutions which operate as their own judge, jury—and executioner. But according to the editors, that is a ‘constellation [...] always doomed at birth’, especially in the ‘Age of Information’ (Politicization of Religion, the Power of Symbolism, 211-212). At the end of the second book the editors evince deep concern and scepticism concerning solutions they see as ‘too easy’ for a multiethnic environment. In their opinion, the Dayton Agreement especially, signed in 1995 to partition Bosnia into two entities has caused the forces of nationalism to increase. Generally speaking each chapter off ers enough innovative potential and insight into the specifi c and complex social conditions in the Yugoslav ‘successor states’. It is a pity then that some of the articles lack what would have been useful distinctions to give a clearer notion of the actors than does the general use of the term ‘the church’. So it is up to the reader to deduce who is actually in charge of ‘the church’ in question; is it their ‘offi cers,’ the bishops and priests? Or all the believers in a country, its religious institutions and organizations? Or perhaps some combination of all of them? What must however be emphasized is that the authors treat their subjects mostly dispassionately and scholarly. Their ability to stand off from a national viewpoint and their willingness to criticise the failures and short-sightedness of ‘their own’ is a remarkable characteristic of most of the contributions. At the same time, this is real progress in the discussion of the past, present and perhaps even the future of religion in Post-Yugoslavia.","PeriodicalId":51954,"journal":{"name":"Sudosteuropa","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0000,"publicationDate":"2017-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/soeu-2017-0014","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"From Class to Identity. The Politics of Education Reforms in Former Yugoslavia\",\"authors\":\"Águstin Cosovschi\",\"doi\":\"10.1515/soeu-2017-0014\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"interests as evangelicals during the Yugoslav wars but chose rather to seek ‘biblical responses’ to ‘alleviate the human suff ering of neighbor and enemy alike’ (Politicization of Religion, the Power of State, Nation, and Faith, 111). In their summaries at the ends of the books, the editors are right to underscore once again that the post-Yugoslav situation is a matt er not only of the old and new states in Southeastern Europe but of the whole of Europe which had interfered both actively and passively in the Yugoslav wars. The editors also point out the danger of the self-reproduction of religious symbols by religious institutions which operate as their own judge, jury—and executioner. But according to the editors, that is a ‘constellation [...] always doomed at birth’, especially in the ‘Age of Information’ (Politicization of Religion, the Power of Symbolism, 211-212). At the end of the second book the editors evince deep concern and scepticism concerning solutions they see as ‘too easy’ for a multiethnic environment. In their opinion, the Dayton Agreement especially, signed in 1995 to partition Bosnia into two entities has caused the forces of nationalism to increase. Generally speaking each chapter off ers enough innovative potential and insight into the specifi c and complex social conditions in the Yugoslav ‘successor states’. It is a pity then that some of the articles lack what would have been useful distinctions to give a clearer notion of the actors than does the general use of the term ‘the church’. So it is up to the reader to deduce who is actually in charge of ‘the church’ in question; is it their ‘offi cers,’ the bishops and priests? Or all the believers in a country, its religious institutions and organizations? Or perhaps some combination of all of them? What must however be emphasized is that the authors treat their subjects mostly dispassionately and scholarly. Their ability to stand off from a national viewpoint and their willingness to criticise the failures and short-sightedness of ‘their own’ is a remarkable characteristic of most of the contributions. 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From Class to Identity. The Politics of Education Reforms in Former Yugoslavia
interests as evangelicals during the Yugoslav wars but chose rather to seek ‘biblical responses’ to ‘alleviate the human suff ering of neighbor and enemy alike’ (Politicization of Religion, the Power of State, Nation, and Faith, 111). In their summaries at the ends of the books, the editors are right to underscore once again that the post-Yugoslav situation is a matt er not only of the old and new states in Southeastern Europe but of the whole of Europe which had interfered both actively and passively in the Yugoslav wars. The editors also point out the danger of the self-reproduction of religious symbols by religious institutions which operate as their own judge, jury—and executioner. But according to the editors, that is a ‘constellation [...] always doomed at birth’, especially in the ‘Age of Information’ (Politicization of Religion, the Power of Symbolism, 211-212). At the end of the second book the editors evince deep concern and scepticism concerning solutions they see as ‘too easy’ for a multiethnic environment. In their opinion, the Dayton Agreement especially, signed in 1995 to partition Bosnia into two entities has caused the forces of nationalism to increase. Generally speaking each chapter off ers enough innovative potential and insight into the specifi c and complex social conditions in the Yugoslav ‘successor states’. It is a pity then that some of the articles lack what would have been useful distinctions to give a clearer notion of the actors than does the general use of the term ‘the church’. So it is up to the reader to deduce who is actually in charge of ‘the church’ in question; is it their ‘offi cers,’ the bishops and priests? Or all the believers in a country, its religious institutions and organizations? Or perhaps some combination of all of them? What must however be emphasized is that the authors treat their subjects mostly dispassionately and scholarly. Their ability to stand off from a national viewpoint and their willingness to criticise the failures and short-sightedness of ‘their own’ is a remarkable characteristic of most of the contributions. At the same time, this is real progress in the discussion of the past, present and perhaps even the future of religion in Post-Yugoslavia.