衰退与分裂:大多数人缺失的福利需求

Q2 Social Sciences
Remo Siza
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引用次数: 1

摘要

我们对西方社会的理解在很大程度上受到财富和收入分配不平等研究的影响。斯蒂格利茨(2015)、阿特金森(2015)和皮凯蒂(2014)注意到,“最富有的1%与其余1%”之间的收入差距急剧扩大,财富和收入日益向上层阶级集中。斯蒂格利茨(2016年,第169页)和Hacker和Pierson(2010年)指出,1%的财富和收入的增长与中产阶级日益增长的财务困难以及机会和结果的不平等直接相关。只是在过去的几十年里,社会不平等才成为理解中产阶级和社会分层的核心(佩恩,2013)。在20世纪90年代,当不平等开始在许多经合组织国家上升时,研究的重点是贫困的增加或放松管制的后果,而不是中产阶级的衰落以及如何解决这个问题(经合组织,2011;Kenworthy, 2007;Dallinger, 2013;Giesecke & Groß, 2003)。在我的论文中,我认为大部分研究集中在极端不平等和中产阶级衰落之间的关系上,并没有捕捉到其生活条件变化的程度,困难程度以及对公民共存和经济和政治制度运作的影响。许多经合组织国家仍然是“中产阶级国家”,此外,中产阶级不再是社会和系统整合的中心,而是既包括那些占据社会地位,为他们提供物质和文化优势的人,也包括收入低、地位不稳定的人。后一类人占绝大多数。在许多经济合作与发展组织(OECD)国家,由大多数个人组成的社会阶层不断扩大,这一阶层不仅与“超级富豪”分开,而且与既定的中产阶级和最弱势的家庭分开。我认为,这一阶层的状况构成了任何旨在对抗社会和经济进程的福利战略的重要和关键的“结合点”,这些进程正在增加许多家庭的脆弱性并进一步降低社会生活。此外,这些变化对福利服务组织的相关性没有得到充分强调。社会政策对中产阶级衰落的反应一直很弱。他们似乎越来越没有能力保护中产阶级免受日益增长的不稳定风险的影响,对促进社会流动性或改善其社会和经济状况也没有什么帮助。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Declines and divisions: the missing welfare needs of the majority
Our understanding of western societies is heavily influenced by research on the unequal distribution of wealth and income. Stiglitz (2015), Atkinson (2015), and Piketty (2014) note the dramatic increase in income disparity between ‘the richest 1% and the rest’ and the growing concentration of wealth and income in the upper classes. Stiglitz (2016, p. 169) and Hacker and Pierson (2010) note that the rise in the wealth and income of the 1% directly correlates to the growing financial difficulties of the middle classes and inequality of opportunity and outcome. It is only in the last decades that social inequalities have become central to any understanding of the middle class and of social stratification (Payne, 2013). In the 1990s, when inequality began to rise in many OECD countries, research focused on the increase of poverty or on the consequences of deregulation, rather than on the decline of the middle classes and how to tackle this (OECD, 2011; Kenworthy, 2007; Dallinger, 2013; Giesecke & Groß, 2003). In my paper, I argue that a large part of the research focused on the relation between extreme inequality and the decline of the middle class does not capture the extent of the changes in its living conditions, the level of hardship and the impact on civil coexistence and the functioning of economic and political institutions. Many OECD countries are still ‘middle-class nations’, moreover, the middle class is no longer a locus of social and systemic integration, but instead includes both people who occupy social positions that provide them with material and cultural advantages and people whose income is low and status precarious. The latter group constitutes the vast majority. In many OECD countries, there has been a growth of an extended social stratum formed by the majority of individuals, which is separated not only from the ‘super rich’, but also from the established middle class and the most disadvantaged households. I believe that the condition of this stratum constitutes a significant and critical ‘juncture’ for any welfare strategy aimed at combatting social and economic processes that are increasing the vulnerability of many households and further degrading social life. Furthermore, the relevance of these changes for the organisation of welfare services is not adequately emphasised. Social policy responses to middle class decline have been weak. They appear less and less capable of protecting the middle class from the growing risk of instability, and do little to foster social mobility or improve its social and economic condition.
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来源期刊
Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy
Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy Social Sciences-Sociology and Political Science
CiteScore
3.70
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0.00%
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18
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