Pilgrims' play on the Santiago Way

2003; Instead, researchers, following the work of Eade and Sallnow (1991), have argued that the meaning of the pilgrimage to Santiago is contested by secular tourists on the one hand, and walkers who identify as religious or spiritual pilgrims on the other (Murray & Graham, 1997; Digance, 2003). Nevertheless, as most recent studies focus on pilgrims ’ beliefs and motivations rather than what they do on the pilgrimage, researchers have arguably not sufficiently explored how the three - metre wide path and its associated social spaces becomes meaningful for a diverse body of pilgrims, including those of no religion and those who do not identify as Christian. Surveys about pilgrims ’ motivations provide scarce insight into the ritual and symbolic practices pilgrims may use to communicate, interpret or make sense of their experiences. Considering the Camino as a set of distinctive social practices, rather than a route walked by a disparate group of people with diverse motivations, permits the interpretation of a range of individual and collective actions that produce the space and its significance for its users (Lefebvre, 1991). An empirically grounded The popularity of the walking pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela across Northern Spain is often understood as a new kind of spiritual tourism rather than a revival of religious practice. In order to examine this claim, I explore common symbolic and ritual practices on the trail such as rock placing, message making, role playing, and partaking in communal play activities. I elaborate the concept of play to explain these behaviors and consider how they relate to transcendental and sacred meanings. This analysis has important implications for explaining the current popularity of the Camino. In particular, it helps explain how the same ritual and symbolic acts may be shared by diverse people with diverse motivations, and how contemporary ritual practices may relate and reengage with imaginaries of the pilgrimage of the past.