恋爱中的“Woke”:千禧一代亲密关系中不平等的持续

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY
Hannah Regan
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引用次数: 0

摘要

通过关怀的框架,并认识到他们在帮助学生应对紧张的测试环境方面的有限代理。他们的叙述表明,在儿童眼中,建立在相互关怀和关系学习基础上的好学校如何被个人的、定量的教育评估所削弱(第156页)。在第五章中,Luttrell展示了她研究的纵向元素,并更多地关注时间性。Luttrell与高中学生重新建立了联系,采访了他们对这些照片的解读,并完成了一个关于他们高中生活的新视频/照片项目。作为高中生,许多人通过怀旧的镜头回顾他们的童年中期,同时保持一种对未来的憧憬。在这些后续访谈和视频项目中,年轻人承认时间不是他们自己的,他们不喜欢在时间的工具性版本与更相关的时间体验之间的冲突(第186页)。像梅沙这样的年轻人用幽默直接反抗成人的、工具性的时间观念(第187页)。其他的年轻人,比如肯德拉,被迫从事低工资的劳动,他们的时间是由义务和经济生存构成的,当他们在自己的微观世界里管理系统性的种族、阶级和性别不平等时,他们被迫吸收支配时间使用的概念。卢特雷尔要求读者认识到,工人阶级青少年在驾驭时间、身份和发展的过程中,把自己定位在多个空间中。Luttrell最后进行了丰富的反思性讨论,讨论了工人阶级青年的关心和集体观察的反叙事如何为学校提供可能的社会变革(第203页)。她要求我们考虑认真对待年轻人对关怀中心的见解意味着什么(第213页)。Luttrell认为,从制度上反对新自由主义政策和教育话语需要重视护理工作并使其可见。公园中心学校的工人阶级年轻人认识到,照顾就是工作,照顾就是价值,照顾在学校和家里都是有尊严的,这实际上对建立一个有尊严、合作和集体自由意识的社会世界至关重要。对于一个健康的民主社会来说,关爱必须是一种社会福利,而与被社会现状所忽视的年轻人和社区合作看待社会世界是实现这种可能性的一种方式。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
“Woke” in Love: The Persistence of Inequality in Intimate Relationships among Millennials
season through the frame of care and recognized their constrained agency in helping students navigate stressful testing environments. Their narratives displayed how a good school in the eyes of children, which is built on reciprocal care and relational learning, can be undercut by individual, quantitative assessments of education (p. 156). In Chapter Five, Luttrell displays the longitudinal elements of her research and focuses more on temporality. Luttrell reconnects with students in high school, interviews them about their interpretations of the photos, and completes a new video/photo project for their lives as high schoolers. As high schoolers, many look back on their middle childhood through a lens of nostalgia, while maintaining a sense of an aspirational future (p. 165). In these follow-up interviews and video projects, youth acknowledge how time isn’t their own and that they do not like the conflict between instrumental versions of being in time versus more relational experiences of time (p. 186). Young people like Mesha use humor to directly defy the adult, instrumental notion of time (p. 187). Other young people, like Kendra, who is pushed into low-wage labor and whose time is structured by obligation and financial survival, are forced to absorb dominant conceptions of time use as they manage systemic race, class, and gender inequalities in their microworlds (p. 198). Luttrell asks readers to recognize that working-class teenagers locate themselves in multiple spaces as they navigate the flow of time, their identities, and development. Luttrell concludes with a rich, reflexive discussion about how counternarratives of care and collective seeing with workingclass youth can provide possible social transformations in schools (p. 203). She asks us to consider what it would mean to take seriously young people’s insights into the centrality of care (p. 213). Luttrell argues that institutionally countering neoliberal policies and discourses of education requires that care work be valued and made visible. The ways working-class young people at Park Central School recognize that care is work, that care is value, and that care is dignified in school and at home are in fact crucial to building a social world with dignity, cooperation, and a collective sense of freedom. Care must be a social good for a healthy democratic society, and collaboratively seeing the social world with young people and communities who are rendered invisible by the social status quo is one way to get to that possibility.
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