自尊的国际政治:重新审视卢梭在国际关系理论中的地位

IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE
J. King
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引用次数: 1

摘要

现实主义、建构主义和自由制度主义都认为国家是理性的、自我最大化的行为体。虽然这些理论在国家优先考虑军事实力还是经济财富的问题上存在分歧,但它们都一致认为,国家理性地、可预见地追求这些利益。包括北约(NATO)和欧盟(EU)在内的主要国际安全和贸易体制对它们的抱怨和退让威胁,让人们对这些国家的合理性和可预测性产生了怀疑。也许这些理论对理性行为的共同假设已经成为理解国家行为和机构合作的障碍。为了丰富和拓展国际政治理论内部的对话,本文转向卢梭的国际政治思想。卢梭在国际关系理论的每一个主要传统中都预见到了中心论点,但他将政治上的自利置于亚理性的激情中,而不是理性本身。卢梭举例说明了一种更细致入微的方式来理解政治动机的非理性根源和国际秩序的局限性。我的论文通过卢梭关于国际政治的关键文本追溯了体面之爱的国际含义,并转向他的《致菲洛波利斯的信》,以此来重新构建卢梭对政治责任的描述。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The international politics of amour propre: Revisiting Rousseau’s place in international relations theory
Realism, constructivism, and liberal institutionalism share the assumption that states are rational and self-maximizing actors. While these theories disagree as to whether states prioritize military power or economic wealth, they converge around the notion that states pursue these goods rationally and predictably. Complaints against and threats of defection from prominent international security and trade regimes, including NATO and the EU, raise doubts about states’ rationality and predictability. Perhaps these theories’ shared assumption about rational action has become an impediment to understanding state behavior and institutional cooperation. To enrich and to expand the conversation within international political theory, my article turns to Rousseau’s international political thought. Rousseau anticipates central arguments in each of the major traditions of IR theory but locates political self-interest in the sub-rational passion amour propre rather than in reason itself. Rousseau exemplifies a more nuanced way to understand the irrational roots of political motivation and the limits of international order. My paper traces the international implications of amour propre through Rousseau’s key texts on international politics and turns to his “Letter to Philopolis” as a way to re-frame Rousseau’s account of political responsibility.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.40
自引率
10.00%
发文量
11
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