{"title":"解除自己的沉默:揭示仪式","authors":"T. Johnson","doi":"10.1080/0458063x.2022.2026173","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"I learned early in my education how cultural practices convey the truths or values of the culture in which those practices take place. It was during my undergraduate studies that I was exposed to the study and analysis of rituals surrounding death and how they, sometimes subtly, sometimes blatantly, present and promote the values and beliefs of those practicing them. An example of this approach was Jessica Mitford’s The American Way of Death. It was in Mitford’s work that I first encountered the practice of being buried in one’s car. Such a practice directly demonstrates the importance of that car (or even cars in general) to the deceased. Indirectly it demonstrates the financial status of the deceased and/or the family to be able to afford such an ostentatious display of wealth in already expensive funerary rites. This practice raised the question: do funeral rites demonstrate social and economic stratification? This theory was put to an empirical test through a study of Graceland Cemetery in Chicago, Illinois, in an upper-level sociology course I took later. Graceland Cemetery was established in 1860 by a prominent Chicago lawyer, in what was then the town of Lake View—now in the neighborhood just north of Wrigley Field on Chicago’s northside. The cemetery’s board was quickly filled with dignitaries from all aspects of Chicago’s life, including architects. Designed as an homage to Victorian gardens, it likewise attracted significant customers. So, on the one hand, the evidence of such a “high end” cemetery gives some initial evidence to one’s burial indicating your social status. Yet the more interesting story is actually within the walls of Graceland. Graceland attracted some of the most important figures in all of Chicago’s history. Our class project asked the question of whether there were well-defined “neighborhoods” and if so, how were they defined? What we discovered was that there were distinct neighborhoods for Graceland’s “residents” and even stratification within the neighborhoods. For example, the most “desirable” neighborhood is located at the far north end of Graceland. Here one finds etched in stone names like McCormick, Palmer, Field, Getty, Goodman, and Burnham—significant names in Chicago and beyond. Many of these burial sites are large plots of land with large “improvements” inhabiting them. For example, the tomb created for Carrie Eliza Getty by her husband was created by the renowned architect, Louis Sullivan. Not only is it large, but it is also considered to be one of Sullivan’s finest works. Not to be outdone, Daniel Burnham, the designer of the post-fire Chicago city plan, is buried on an island in the middle of a large pond. However, there are less ostentatious graves, such as that of architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who resided in that neighborhood, and had a very elegant, though understated, marker. Likewise, some, like brew master Peter Schoenhofen, who resides outside this more desirable neighborhood, are buried in a magnificent pyramid. Bigger house in a cheaper neighborhood, if you will. It","PeriodicalId":53923,"journal":{"name":"Liturgy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Unmute Yourself: Revealing Rituals\",\"authors\":\"T. Johnson\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/0458063x.2022.2026173\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"I learned early in my education how cultural practices convey the truths or values of the culture in which those practices take place. It was during my undergraduate studies that I was exposed to the study and analysis of rituals surrounding death and how they, sometimes subtly, sometimes blatantly, present and promote the values and beliefs of those practicing them. An example of this approach was Jessica Mitford’s The American Way of Death. It was in Mitford’s work that I first encountered the practice of being buried in one’s car. Such a practice directly demonstrates the importance of that car (or even cars in general) to the deceased. Indirectly it demonstrates the financial status of the deceased and/or the family to be able to afford such an ostentatious display of wealth in already expensive funerary rites. This practice raised the question: do funeral rites demonstrate social and economic stratification? This theory was put to an empirical test through a study of Graceland Cemetery in Chicago, Illinois, in an upper-level sociology course I took later. Graceland Cemetery was established in 1860 by a prominent Chicago lawyer, in what was then the town of Lake View—now in the neighborhood just north of Wrigley Field on Chicago’s northside. The cemetery’s board was quickly filled with dignitaries from all aspects of Chicago’s life, including architects. Designed as an homage to Victorian gardens, it likewise attracted significant customers. So, on the one hand, the evidence of such a “high end” cemetery gives some initial evidence to one’s burial indicating your social status. Yet the more interesting story is actually within the walls of Graceland. Graceland attracted some of the most important figures in all of Chicago’s history. Our class project asked the question of whether there were well-defined “neighborhoods” and if so, how were they defined? What we discovered was that there were distinct neighborhoods for Graceland’s “residents” and even stratification within the neighborhoods. For example, the most “desirable” neighborhood is located at the far north end of Graceland. Here one finds etched in stone names like McCormick, Palmer, Field, Getty, Goodman, and Burnham—significant names in Chicago and beyond. Many of these burial sites are large plots of land with large “improvements” inhabiting them. For example, the tomb created for Carrie Eliza Getty by her husband was created by the renowned architect, Louis Sullivan. Not only is it large, but it is also considered to be one of Sullivan’s finest works. Not to be outdone, Daniel Burnham, the designer of the post-fire Chicago city plan, is buried on an island in the middle of a large pond. However, there are less ostentatious graves, such as that of architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who resided in that neighborhood, and had a very elegant, though understated, marker. Likewise, some, like brew master Peter Schoenhofen, who resides outside this more desirable neighborhood, are buried in a magnificent pyramid. Bigger house in a cheaper neighborhood, if you will. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
在我早期的教育中,我了解到文化习俗是如何传达这些习俗发生的文化的真理或价值观的。正是在我的本科学习期间,我接触到有关死亡仪式的研究和分析,以及它们如何(有时微妙,有时公然)呈现和促进那些践行这些仪式的人的价值观和信仰。这种方法的一个例子是杰西卡·米特福德的《美国人的死亡方式》。正是在米特福德的工作中,我第一次遇到了被埋在车里的做法。这种做法直接表明了那辆车(甚至是一般的汽车)对死者的重要性。它间接表明了死者和/或家庭的经济状况,能够负担得起在本已昂贵的葬礼上如此炫耀财富。这种做法提出了一个问题:葬礼是否表明了社会和经济的分层?在我后来上的一门高级社会学课程中,我通过对伊利诺伊州芝加哥的雅园公墓的研究对这一理论进行了实证检验。雅园公墓于1860年由一位著名的芝加哥律师建立,位于当时的湖景镇——现在位于芝加哥北部瑞格利球场以北的街区。墓地的董事会很快就挤满了来自芝加哥生活各个方面的要人,包括建筑师。作为对维多利亚花园的致敬,它同样吸引了大量的客户。所以,一方面,这种“高端”墓地的证据为一个人的埋葬提供了一些初步的证据,表明了你的社会地位。然而,更有趣的故事实际上发生在雅园的围墙内。雅园吸引了芝加哥历史上一些最重要的人物。我们的课堂作业提出了这样一个问题:是否存在定义明确的“社区”,如果存在,它们是如何定义的?我们发现,雅园的“居民”有不同的社区,甚至社区内部也有分层。例如,最“令人向往”的社区位于雅园的最北端。在这里,你会发现石碑上刻着麦考密克、帕尔默、菲尔德、盖蒂、古德曼和伯纳姆等名字,这些名字在芝加哥和其他地方都很重要。许多这样的墓地都是大片的土地,居住着大量的“改善”。例如,卡丽·伊丽莎·盖蒂的丈夫为她设计的坟墓就是由著名建筑师路易斯·沙利文设计的。它不仅很大,而且被认为是沙利文最好的作品之一。丹尼尔·伯纳姆(Daniel Burnham)也不甘落后,他是火灾后芝加哥城市规划的设计师,他被埋葬在一个大池塘中央的一个岛上。然而,也有一些不那么浮华的坟墓,比如建筑师路德维希·密斯·凡·德罗(Ludwig Mies van der Rohe)的坟墓,他就住在那个社区,有一个非常优雅但低调的墓碑。同样,有些人,比如啤酒大师彼得·舍恩霍芬(Peter Schoenhofen),住在这个更理想的社区之外,被埋葬在一座宏伟的金字塔里。如果你愿意的话,在更便宜的社区住更大的房子。它
I learned early in my education how cultural practices convey the truths or values of the culture in which those practices take place. It was during my undergraduate studies that I was exposed to the study and analysis of rituals surrounding death and how they, sometimes subtly, sometimes blatantly, present and promote the values and beliefs of those practicing them. An example of this approach was Jessica Mitford’s The American Way of Death. It was in Mitford’s work that I first encountered the practice of being buried in one’s car. Such a practice directly demonstrates the importance of that car (or even cars in general) to the deceased. Indirectly it demonstrates the financial status of the deceased and/or the family to be able to afford such an ostentatious display of wealth in already expensive funerary rites. This practice raised the question: do funeral rites demonstrate social and economic stratification? This theory was put to an empirical test through a study of Graceland Cemetery in Chicago, Illinois, in an upper-level sociology course I took later. Graceland Cemetery was established in 1860 by a prominent Chicago lawyer, in what was then the town of Lake View—now in the neighborhood just north of Wrigley Field on Chicago’s northside. The cemetery’s board was quickly filled with dignitaries from all aspects of Chicago’s life, including architects. Designed as an homage to Victorian gardens, it likewise attracted significant customers. So, on the one hand, the evidence of such a “high end” cemetery gives some initial evidence to one’s burial indicating your social status. Yet the more interesting story is actually within the walls of Graceland. Graceland attracted some of the most important figures in all of Chicago’s history. Our class project asked the question of whether there were well-defined “neighborhoods” and if so, how were they defined? What we discovered was that there were distinct neighborhoods for Graceland’s “residents” and even stratification within the neighborhoods. For example, the most “desirable” neighborhood is located at the far north end of Graceland. Here one finds etched in stone names like McCormick, Palmer, Field, Getty, Goodman, and Burnham—significant names in Chicago and beyond. Many of these burial sites are large plots of land with large “improvements” inhabiting them. For example, the tomb created for Carrie Eliza Getty by her husband was created by the renowned architect, Louis Sullivan. Not only is it large, but it is also considered to be one of Sullivan’s finest works. Not to be outdone, Daniel Burnham, the designer of the post-fire Chicago city plan, is buried on an island in the middle of a large pond. However, there are less ostentatious graves, such as that of architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who resided in that neighborhood, and had a very elegant, though understated, marker. Likewise, some, like brew master Peter Schoenhofen, who resides outside this more desirable neighborhood, are buried in a magnificent pyramid. Bigger house in a cheaper neighborhood, if you will. It