来自努苏证据的肺泡摩擦性舌音病例

IF 0.4 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
Elissa Ikeda, S. Lew
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引用次数: 3

摘要

跨语言,摩擦音是最罕见的辅音类型,在一些非洲和欧洲语言中发现(Ladefoged & maddison 1996),在一些罗曼语中作为音素(Jesus & Shadle 2005;原因2002;布拉德利2006;Colantoni 2006)。来自女苏语的声学数据、语音趋同推理和同源比较证明了藏缅语中存在肺泡摩擦音。努苏辅音出现在音节开头的位置,作为第一个或第二个辅音,可以实现为肺泡近音[j]或[j],非发音的浊音和不发音的摩擦音[j, j],以及发音的浊音[j]。在其他关于Nusu的研究中,这些摩擦音有时被报道为反折浊音(Sun & Lu 1986;Fu 1991),但内部说话者和跨品种的比较指向分类为辅音。来自其他藏缅语的证据表明,并非只有努苏语才有肺泡摩擦音。总之,这些数据挑战了通常将肺泡摩擦音解释为元音的传统。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The case for alveolar fricative rhotics with evidence from Nusu
Cross-linguistically, fricatives are the rarest types of rhotics, found in a few African and European languages ( Ladefoged & Maddieson 1996 ) and as allophones in some Romance languages ( Jesus & Shadle 2005 ; Recasens 2002 ; Bradley 2006 ; Colantoni 2006 ). Acoustic data from Nusu, phonotactic reasoning, and a cognate comparison demonstrate the presence of alveolar fricative rhotics in Tibeto-Burman. The Nusu rhotic appears in syllable-initial position as the first or second consonant and can be realized as alveolar approximants [ɹ] or [ɹʲ], non-sibilant voiced and voiceless fricatives [ɹ, ɹ], as well as voiced sibilant [ʐ]. In other studies on Nusu, these fricative rhotics have sometimes been reported as retroflex voiced sibilants ( Sun & Lu 1986 ; Fu 1991 ), but intra-speaker and cross-variety comparison point to classification as rhotics. Evidence from other Tibeto-Burman languages suggests that alveolar fricative rhotics are not limited to Nusu. Together these data challenge the tradition of generally interpreting alveolar fricatives as sibilants.
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来源期刊
Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area
Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS-
CiteScore
0.50
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