浪漫主义中V-to-C运动的根源

Andrea Antonelli
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本文研究了后期拉丁语中wh分句的句法结构。结果表明,在以wh短语为直接宾语的句子中,疑问句操作符到达左外围的FocP,有限动词上升到Foc头。这种规范-头部关系解释了为什么主语和错位的xp(如主题或焦点元素)不能成为宾语wh-短语和动词之间的干预成分。对于疑问句操作符是修饰词的wh-从句,假设是wh-短语占用[Spec,IntP]。在这里,动词没有移动到CP-field,从而解释了在修饰词wh-element和动词之间插入主语和XPs的可能性。这些结果表明,在一些古老的罗曼语中,V-to-C运动的动词第二属性(V2)可以来自晚期拉丁语,而不是像文献中假设的那样完全来自日耳曼语言的影响。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Roots of V-to-C Movement in Romance
The paper investigates the syntactic structure of wh-clauses in late Latin. The results show that, in sentences with a wh-phrase as direct object, the interrogative operator reaches FocP in the left periphery, with the finite verb raising to the Foc head. This spec-head relation accounts for why subjects and dislocated XPs (like topics or focus elements) can not be intervening constituents between the object wh-phrase and the verb. For wh-clauses in which the interrogative operator is an adjunct, the hypothesis is that the wh-phrase occupies [Spec,IntP]. Here, the verb does not move to the CP-field, thus explaining the possibility of intervening subjects and interpolated XPs between the adjunct wh-element and the verb. These results show that the verb second (V2) property of V-to-C movement, as seen in several old Romance languages, can be derived from late Latin, and not exclusively from a supposed influence of Germanic languages, as is assumed in the literature.
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