民主社会主义会更好吗?

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY
Michael L. Rosino
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This approach is at the heart of the sociological tradition. Groundbreaking sociologists, from Durkheim to Du Bois, endeavored to lend empirically grounded and sociologically minded voices to critical public debates about what constitutes a ‘‘good’’ social system. Kenworthy draws on an appropriate, if imperfect, case study. The meat of the text examines the social, economic, and political conditions produced by the ‘‘Nordic Model’’ of democratic socialist capitalism. Through a series of empirical demonstrations, the text advocates for a ‘‘capitalist economy, a democratic political system, good elementary and secondary (K-12) schooling, a big welfare state, employment-conducive public services (childcare, job training, and others), and moderate regulation of product and labor markets’’ (p. 2). His core contention is that this system ‘‘improves living standards for the least well-off, enhances economic security, and boosts equality of opportunity’’ (p. 2). In an implicit rebuke of currently existing socialist countries (self-styled or otherwise), he posits also that this form of capitalism ‘‘does so without sacrificing the many other things we want in a good society, from liberty to economic growth to happiness’’ (p. 2). Having established this core argument, the remaining text sets up a series of investigations to demonstrate Nordic nations’ laudable outcomes in economic, social, political, and environmental well-being. These arguments and their empirical basis provide many substantial and convincing contributions. Moreover, the tone of much of the book is more conversational and investigative than polemical, and its overall deduction is admirably humble. Kenworthy concludes that democratic socialism might indeed be an ideal and even inevitable alternative but points out that, unlike democratic socialist capitalism, it remains untested. In this sense, the book’s initial framing is understandable but somewhat misleading. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

在美国,民主社会主义的相对优点正变得越来越重要。越来越多的美国人开始看透冷战时期道德恐慌和政治压制所笼罩的阴霾。在经济和政治平等日益高涨的时代,政治领导人和组织在民主社会主义的大旗下崛起,为社会进步和繁荣提供了一系列重要和独特的机会。面对这种新出现的争论,莱恩·肯沃西的《民主社会主义会更好吗?》展示了社会学领域的核心价值之一。它解决了一个关于社会和社会生活的有先见之明但看似哲学或规范的问题。重要的是,它通过实证分析和案例研究的理论化来做到这一点。这种方法是社会学传统的核心。开创性的社会学家,从迪尔凯姆到杜波依斯,都努力为关于什么是“好的”社会制度的批判性公共辩论提供基于经验和社会学的声音。肯沃西借鉴了一个恰当的案例研究,尽管不完美。正文的主要内容考察了民主社会主义资本主义的“北欧模式”所产生的社会、经济和政治条件。通过一系列实证论证,本书倡导“资本主义经济、民主政治制度、良好的中小学教育、庞大的福利国家、有利于就业的公共服务(儿童保育、职业培训等),以及对产品和劳动力市场的适度监管”(第2页)。他的核心论点是,这种制度“提高了最不富裕人群的生活水平,增强了经济保障,并促进机会平等”(第2页)。在对现有社会主义国家(自封或其他)的含蓄指责中,他还假设,这种形式的资本主义“不会牺牲我们在一个良好社会中想要的许多其他东西,从自由到经济增长再到幸福”(第2页)。在确立了这一核心论点之后,剩下的文本设置了一系列调查,以展示北欧国家在经济、社会、政治、以及环境健康。这些论点及其经验基础提供了许多实质性和令人信服的贡献。此外,这本书的基调更多的是对话和调查,而不是辩论,它的整体推论是令人钦佩的谦逊。肯沃西的结论是,民主社会主义可能确实是一种理想的、甚至是不可避免的选择,但他指出,与民主社会主义资本主义不同,民主社会主义仍未经检验。从这个意义上说,这本书最初的框架是可以理解的,但有些误导。它似乎提供了更多关于民主社会主义资本主义和其他形式的现有资本主义之间的比较,而不是关于某些假设的民主社会主义或古巴等国家的社会主义尝试的有效性的声明。然而,在关于经济增长的部分,该书承认但回避了经济学家和其他社会科学家日益增长的观点,即经济增长并不是一种社会和环境的净收益,尤其是在一个资源有限的星球上。如果更深入地探讨经济增长与社会和生态福祉之间的矛盾,这场讨论将会受益。这本书清晰而巧妙地展示了北欧社会对其公民的好处,以及与美式资本主义相比,他们所享受的好处,但它也没有充分提出北欧政治和经济中高度先见之明的种族民族主义问题。肯沃西还忽略了对种族和殖民资本主义的问题和矛盾进行充分批判的大量实证和理论检验,从而错失了进行更有力、更细致的论证的机会。这篇文章,在某一点上,甚至提到了种族和殖民资本主义学者的争论
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Would Democratic Socialism Be Better?
The relative merits of democratic socialism are becoming progressively more relevant in the United States. More Americans are beginning to see through the obscuring haze cast by the moral panics and political repression of the Cold War era. The rise of political leaders and organizations under the broad banner of democratic socialism in a time of surging economic and political equality presents an essential and unique set of opportunities for social progress and flourishing. In the face of this emerging debate, Lane Kenworthy’s Would Democratic Socialism Be Better? demonstrates one of the core values of the field of sociology. It addresses a prescient but seemingly philosophical or normative question about society and social life. And, importantly, it does this through empirical analysis and theorizing of case studies. This approach is at the heart of the sociological tradition. Groundbreaking sociologists, from Durkheim to Du Bois, endeavored to lend empirically grounded and sociologically minded voices to critical public debates about what constitutes a ‘‘good’’ social system. Kenworthy draws on an appropriate, if imperfect, case study. The meat of the text examines the social, economic, and political conditions produced by the ‘‘Nordic Model’’ of democratic socialist capitalism. Through a series of empirical demonstrations, the text advocates for a ‘‘capitalist economy, a democratic political system, good elementary and secondary (K-12) schooling, a big welfare state, employment-conducive public services (childcare, job training, and others), and moderate regulation of product and labor markets’’ (p. 2). His core contention is that this system ‘‘improves living standards for the least well-off, enhances economic security, and boosts equality of opportunity’’ (p. 2). In an implicit rebuke of currently existing socialist countries (self-styled or otherwise), he posits also that this form of capitalism ‘‘does so without sacrificing the many other things we want in a good society, from liberty to economic growth to happiness’’ (p. 2). Having established this core argument, the remaining text sets up a series of investigations to demonstrate Nordic nations’ laudable outcomes in economic, social, political, and environmental well-being. These arguments and their empirical basis provide many substantial and convincing contributions. Moreover, the tone of much of the book is more conversational and investigative than polemical, and its overall deduction is admirably humble. Kenworthy concludes that democratic socialism might indeed be an ideal and even inevitable alternative but points out that, unlike democratic socialist capitalism, it remains untested. In this sense, the book’s initial framing is understandable but somewhat misleading. It seems to have much more to offer as a comparison between democratic socialist capitalism and other forms of existent capitalism rather than a statement on the validity of some hypothetical democratic socialism or attempts at socialism in nations such as Cuba. In its section on economic growth, however, the book acknowledges but sidesteps the growing notion among economists and other social scientists that economic growth is not a net social and environmental good, particularly on a planet with finite resources. This discussion would have benefited from more profound engagement with the contradictions between economic growth and social and ecological well-being. The book clearly and artfully demonstrates the merits of Nordic societies for their citizens and the benefits they enjoy compared to American-style capitalism, but it also fails to fully problematize the highly prescient problem of racial nationalism in Nordic politics and economics. Kenworthy also misses an opportunity for more robust and nuanced argumentation by ignoring the abundant empirical and theoretical examinations that richly critique racial and colonial capitalism’s problems and contradictions. The text, at one point, even notes the contention made by scholars of racial and colonial capitalism Reviews 449
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