日本的老龄化和平正在优雅地老龄化吗?

IF 1.3
Asia Policy Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI:10.1353/asp.2023.0026
P. Midford
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在《日本老化的和平:21世纪的和平主义与军国主义》一书中,汤姆·芳勒(Tom Phuong Le)撰写了可以说是最全面、最引人注目的学术书籍长度的研究,探讨了“日本能否成为一个主要的军事大国?”此外,这本书用一个响亮的“不”来回答。Le花了两章的时间来解释日本工业和经济的人口和技术基础设施限制,他认为这是日本重新崛起为主要军事大国的主要障碍。尽管如此,Le的论点的核心是反军国主义,和平文化和规范限制阻止日本重新成为一个主要的军事大国,这是人们期望从一个毫不掩饰的建构主义作品中得到的。出版两年后,乐的书中指出的物质限制,尤其是人口限制,以及技术和经济限制,几乎没有改变,甚至变得更有约束力。但是,这个国家作为一个军事大国重新崛起的理念约束,特别是反军国主义、和平文化以及政治和规范约束,又该如何看待呢?虽然它们仍然存在,但很容易争辩说,自2021年以来,尤其是2022年,这些观念上的限制已经变得不那么限制了。许多观察人士认为,俄罗斯入侵乌克兰,以及中国在2022年8月美国众议院议长南希·佩洛西访问台湾后,在台湾附近举行大规模军事演习,已经重新划定了日本公众如何看待战争与和平问题的基线。为日本“最终摆脱和平主义”创造了一个更加宽松的环境(在过去的30年里,专家们经常告诉我们的事情刚刚实现),并重新成为一个伟大的军事大国。当然,在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰之后,日本的民意调查显示,支持增加军事开支的人数大幅上升。多数或略占多数的受访者还支持日本获得反击能力,这将使该国能够攻击外国的军事基地。在这一转变之后,岸田文雄政府宣布大幅增加日本的国防开支(尽管低于最初讨论的两倍)以及计划
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Is Japan's Aging Peace Aging Gracefully?
W ith Japan’s Aging Peace: Pacifism and Militarism in the Twenty-First Century, Tom Phuong Le has written what is arguably the most comprehensive and compelling scholarly book-length study to address the question “can Japan become a major military power?” Moreover, the book answers with a resounding “no.” Le devotes two chapters to explaining the demographic and technical-infrastructural constraints on Japan’s industry and economy that he identifies as major barriers to Japan’s reemergence as a major military power. Nonetheless, at the heart of Le’s argument are claims that antimilitarism, peace culture, and normative restraints prevent Japan from reemerging as a major military power, which is what one would expect from an unabashedly constructivist work. Two years after its publication, the material constraints identified in Le’s book, especially demographic, but also technological and economic, have changed little or become even more binding. But what about the ideational constraints on the country’s reemergence as a military power, specifically antimilitarism, peace culture, and political and normative restraints? While they still exist, it is easy to argue that since 2021, and especially 2022, these ideational constraints have become far less limiting. Many observers argue that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and China’s large-scale military exercises around Taiwan following the visit of U.S. Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi to that island in August 2022, have redrawn the baseline for how the Japanese public views issues of war and peace, creating a far more permissive environment for Japan to “finally cast off pacifism” (something that pundits have been telling us at regular intervals over the past thirty years has just been achieved) and reemerge as a great military power. Certainly, after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, opinion polls in Japan showed a jump in support for increasing military spending. A plurality or small majority of those polled also supported Japan’s acquisition of counterstrike capabilities, which would allow the country to attack military bases in foreign countries. Following this shift, the Kishida administration announced a dramatic increase in Japan’s defense spending (although less than the doubling that had originally been discussed) as well as plans to
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来源期刊
Asia Policy
Asia Policy Arts and Humanities-History
CiteScore
0.80
自引率
0.00%
发文量
55
期刊介绍: Asia Policy is a peer-reviewed scholarly journal presenting policy-relevant academic research on the Asia-Pacific that draws clear and concise conclusions useful to today’s policymakers.
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