蜕皮:伊比利亚向民主过渡时期的文化生产

IF 0.2 4区 社会学 Q4 CULTURAL STUDIES
G. Quaggio, Igor Contreras Zubillaga
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引用次数: 0

摘要

1981年,马德里的普拉多广场(Paseo del Prado)挤满了成年人、儿童和老年人,他们等着亲自观看毕加索(Picasso)的不朽反战画作《格尔尼卡》(Guernica)。这幅画在纽约流亡了四十多年后,终于来到了马德里。历史学家、民主中心联盟(UCD)政府文化部美术总监哈维尔·图塞尔(Javier Tusell)当时表示,这幅大型画作代表了“一个护身符,提醒我们过去内乱的危险……这样可以说,格尔尼卡的到来标志着西班牙向民主过渡的终点”(1981年)。毕加索的画作成为了过渡时期的集体护身符,是一个新的、据称是和平的西班牙在经历了长期军事独裁统治后回归民主的引人注目的视觉象征。然而,西班牙政府机构展出这幅前卫画作的方式将画作与观众隔开,将其放置在防弹玻璃屏幕后面,以防止对艺术品造成潜在损坏。西班牙公众参与这件艺术品的方式表明了从佛朗哥政权继承下来的自上而下的措施和从民众动员中自下而上的压力的复杂组合(Quaggio 2014199-264)。就在几年前,1974年6月,在里斯本的一个受欢迎的节日上,48名艺术家在贝伦市中心画了一幅集体的“反法西斯”壁画,以庆祝当年的康乃馨革命,这场革命一夜之间推翻了独裁的Estado Novo政权,为葡萄牙自己的民主化进程铺平了道路。1974年5月,在里斯本,塑料艺术家民主运动的成员前往Palácio Foz,将拆除独裁者António de Oliveira Salazar的雕像和Estado Novo的作家António Ferro的半身像变成了一场公开表演,用黑布覆盖纪念碑,声明称,该倡议“同时是一种象征性的破坏和革命自由姿态下的艺术创作行为。法西斯艺术损害了你的视觉”(Serapiglia 2022,322;Pratas Cruzeiro 2022,313)。从葡萄牙康乃馨革命开始,其主要演员就将艺术活动解释为对与Estado Novo相关的象征、政策和结构的嬉戏表演。根据这些行动者的说法,这种活动基本上应该是集体的,能够在公共场合传播公民参与和社会民主的意识形态信息(Dionísio,1993年)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Shedding the old skin: cultural production in the Iberian transitions to democracy
In 1981 a long queue of adults, children and senior citizens flooded the Paseo del Prado in Madrid, waiting to see Picasso’s monumental anti-war painting Guernica in person. The painting had finally made its way to Madrid from its more than forty-year exile in New York. According to Javier Tusell, historian and General Director of Fine Arts of the UCD (Union of the Democratic Center) government’s Ministry of Culture at the time, the large painting represented “a talisman reminding us of the dangers of past civil discord... in this way it could be said that the arrival of Guernica signifies an end point in the Spanish transition to democracy” (1981). Picasso’s painting turned into a collective talisman of the Transition, the eye-catching visual symbol of a new and allegedly peaceful Spain that had returned to democracy after a long military dictatorship. Yet, Spanish government institutions exhibited the avant-garde painting in a way that separated the painting from the crowds of observers, placing it behind a bulletproof glass screen to prevent potential damage to the artwork. The way the Spanish public engaged with this artwork evinced the complicated mix of top-down measures inherited from the Franco regime and bottom-up pressure from popular mobilizations (Quaggio 2014, 199–264). Only a few years before, during a popular festival in Lisbon in June 1974, forty-eight artists painted a collective “antifascist” mural in the central district of Belém to celebrate the Carnation Revolution of that year, which overthrew the authoritarian Estado Novo regime overnight and paved the way for Portugal’s own process of democratization. Also in Lisbon in May 1974, members of the Democratic Movement of Plastic Artists went to the Palácio Foz and turned the removal of a statue of the dictator António de Oliveira Salazar and the bust of the Estado Novo’s writer António Ferro into a public performance, covering the monuments with black cloths and affixing a communiqué, which stated that the initiative was “at the same time a symbolic destruction and an act of artistic creation in a gesture of revolutionary freedom. Fascist art harms your vision” (Serapiglia 2022, 322; Pratas Cruzeiro 2022, 313). From the beginning of Portugal’s Carnation Revolution, its main actors interpreted artistic activity as a playful performance against symbols, policies and structures associated with the Estado Novo. According to these actors, this activity should be essentially collective and able to disseminate ideologized messages of civic participation and social democracy in the public arena (Dionísio 1993).
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