行走的人体模型:种族和性别不平等如何影响零售服装的运作

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY
S. Luhr
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Turnover in these jobs is high, and managers invest little time in training to build workers’ skills. Instead, they focus on whether workers fit the look of the store. As in many service-sector jobs, employers have found ways to successfully transfer risk onto employees. New technologies allow managers to match staffing to demand, meaning that workers often have shifts changed with little notice. In an environment where few employees are scheduled for enough hours to pay their bills, managers reward workers not through better pay but through the opportunity to work more. The next section documents workers’ relationships with managers, customers, and each other. Here, Misra and Walters differentiate between frontline managers, who work in stores, and corporate managers, who monitor employees from afar. These different actors operate within what Misra and Walters call the ‘‘service panopticon.’’ Frontline managers constantly surveil workers, monitoring their appearance and interactions with customers and checking their bags at the end of each shift. Outside of stores, corporate managers keep watch using a barrage of metrics collected from cameras, computer software, sensors, customer surveys, and secret shoppers. Although frontline workers question the utility of these metrics, this data effectively transfers organizational decision-making power to corporate managers and strips both frontline managers and workers of agency. This section also sheds light on the unexpected challenges retail workers navigate. Just as managers keep watch over workers, workers monitor customers as part of the service panopticon. Managers often task Black workers with the job of trailing Black customers whom they suspect of shoplifting, as if racial profiling is less harmful if outsourced to a Black employee. Workers are similarly bothered by expectations to push branded credit cards onto customers, which they find exploitative. Indeed, a surprisingly large percentage of store revenues come not through selling clothes but through credit cards with exorbitant interest rates. The final chapters delve into the concept of aesthetic labor. Despite their low pay, workers at teen-oriented retail stores are held to high aesthetic standards. These stores don’t necessarily have uniforms, but instead regulate appearance through extensive ‘‘look policies.’’ Workers should appear as though they naturally wear the store’s merchandise in their everyday lives. Rather than throwing on a company t-shirt at the start of their shift, workers must contort themselves to embody the brand from head to toe. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

在《行走的人体模型:种族和性别不平等如何塑造零售服装工作》一书中,乔娅·米斯拉和凯拉·沃尔特斯对日程不稳定、工人受到监控技术密切监控的时代的零售工作体验提供了新颖的见解。《行走的人体模型》是一本及时的书。零售工作仍然是美国最常见的职业之一。这也是一个由女性主导的行业——包括许多有色人种的女性——她们的工资很低,享受的福利也很少。这本书采访了55名主要在面向青少年的服装店工作的现任和前任员工,并对35家商店进行了观察。这本书开始与零售服装工作的概述。快时尚商店不希望衣服的保质期超过几个季节,公司对员工也采取类似的做法。这些工作的流动率很高,管理者很少花时间培训员工,培养他们的技能。相反,他们关注的是员工是否适合商店的外观。与许多服务业工作一样,雇主已经找到了成功地将风险转移给员工的方法。新技术使管理人员能够根据需求安排人员,这意味着工人经常在几乎没有通知的情况下换班。在一个很少有员工安排足够的工作时间来支付账单的环境中,管理者奖励员工的不是更高的工资,而是更多的工作机会。下一部分记录了员工与经理、客户以及彼此之间的关系。在这里,米斯拉和沃尔特斯区分了在门店工作的一线经理和从远处监督员工的企业经理。这些不同的参与者在米斯拉和沃尔特斯所谓的“服务全景监狱”中运作。“一线经理经常监视工人,监视他们的外表和与顾客的互动,并在每班结束时检查他们的行李。在商店外,公司经理们通过从摄像头、计算机软件、传感器、客户调查和秘密购物者收集的一系列指标来监视顾客。尽管一线员工质疑这些指标的效用,但这些数据有效地将组织决策权转移给了企业经理,并剥夺了一线经理和员工的代理权。这一部分还揭示了零售工人面临的意想不到的挑战。就像管理人员监督工人一样,工人监督客户,这是服务全景监狱的一部分。经理们经常让黑人员工跟踪他们怀疑有入店行窃行为的黑人顾客,好像把种族定性的工作外包给黑人员工危害会小一些似的。同样,员工也对向客户推销品牌信用卡的期望感到困扰,他们认为这是一种剥削。事实上,令人惊讶的是,商店收入的很大一部分不是来自服装销售,而是来自利率过高的信用卡。最后几章探讨了审美劳动的概念。尽管工资很低,但面向青少年的零售店的工人对审美的要求很高。这些商店不一定有制服,而是通过广泛的“着装政策”来规范外表。“员工在日常生活中应该看起来很自然地穿着这家店的商品。工人们必须让自己从头到脚都体现出公司的品牌,而不是在开始上班时穿上公司的t恤。米斯拉和沃尔特斯记录的例子令人震惊。工人们描述说,一月份他们穿着霍利斯特公司发行的人字拖在雪地里艰难跋涉,还被威胁要因为未经批准的指甲颜色而被送回家。在一个特别令人难忘的小插曲中,一位经理很晚才开门给一位工人重新做发型,毫不含糊地暗示,这位工人的外表比任何销售评论都重要
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Walking Mannequins: How Race and Gender Inequalities Shape Retail Clothing Work
In Walking Mannequins: How Race and Gender Inequalities Shape Retail Clothing Work, Joya Misra and Kyla Walters offer novel insight into the experience of retail work at a time when schedules are precarious and workers are closely monitored by surveillance technologies. Walking Mannequins is a timely book. Retail jobs remain one of the most common occupations in the United States. This is also an industry dominated by women—including many women of color—who are paid poorly and receive few benefits. The book draws on interviews with 55 current and former employees working primarily in teen-oriented clothing stores, paired with 35 store observations. The book begins with an overview of retail clothing work. Fast-fashion stores do not expect clothing to last more than a few seasons, and companies take a similar approach to their employees. Turnover in these jobs is high, and managers invest little time in training to build workers’ skills. Instead, they focus on whether workers fit the look of the store. As in many service-sector jobs, employers have found ways to successfully transfer risk onto employees. New technologies allow managers to match staffing to demand, meaning that workers often have shifts changed with little notice. In an environment where few employees are scheduled for enough hours to pay their bills, managers reward workers not through better pay but through the opportunity to work more. The next section documents workers’ relationships with managers, customers, and each other. Here, Misra and Walters differentiate between frontline managers, who work in stores, and corporate managers, who monitor employees from afar. These different actors operate within what Misra and Walters call the ‘‘service panopticon.’’ Frontline managers constantly surveil workers, monitoring their appearance and interactions with customers and checking their bags at the end of each shift. Outside of stores, corporate managers keep watch using a barrage of metrics collected from cameras, computer software, sensors, customer surveys, and secret shoppers. Although frontline workers question the utility of these metrics, this data effectively transfers organizational decision-making power to corporate managers and strips both frontline managers and workers of agency. This section also sheds light on the unexpected challenges retail workers navigate. Just as managers keep watch over workers, workers monitor customers as part of the service panopticon. Managers often task Black workers with the job of trailing Black customers whom they suspect of shoplifting, as if racial profiling is less harmful if outsourced to a Black employee. Workers are similarly bothered by expectations to push branded credit cards onto customers, which they find exploitative. Indeed, a surprisingly large percentage of store revenues come not through selling clothes but through credit cards with exorbitant interest rates. The final chapters delve into the concept of aesthetic labor. Despite their low pay, workers at teen-oriented retail stores are held to high aesthetic standards. These stores don’t necessarily have uniforms, but instead regulate appearance through extensive ‘‘look policies.’’ Workers should appear as though they naturally wear the store’s merchandise in their everyday lives. Rather than throwing on a company t-shirt at the start of their shift, workers must contort themselves to embody the brand from head to toe. The examples that Misra and Walters document are striking. Workers describe trudging through the snow in January in their Hollister-issued flip-flops and are threatened to be sent home for unsanctioned nail colors. In one particularly memorable vignette, a manager opened a store late to re-style a worker’s hair, implying, in no uncertain terms, that the worker’s appearance was more important than any sales Reviews 357
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