{"title":"沉默的宪法:宪法规定与实权之间的共和国总统","authors":"A. Criscitiello","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2023.2199183","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The living constitution was considerably transformed in the delicate and lengthy transition between the First and Second Italian Republics. These changes have also concerned the role and functions of the president of the Republic. In the last three legislatures, there has been much use of the renowned metaphor of the accordion of presidential power, which expands and contracts according to the role played by the parties in the political system. For although the Constitution has remained unchanged, this period has seen two important ‘exceptional’ responses by presidents to serious political crises: first, the appointment of prime ministers from outside of Parliament and the parties, the so-called governments of the president; and second, the second terms of Giorgio Napolitano in April 2013 and Sergio Mattarella in January 2022. But is this extreme expansion of the accordion really sufficient to demonstrate that we have stronger presidencies? An in-depth analysis of Napolitano’s and Mattarella’s responses to the critical junctures in the political system in fact paints a more complex picture. This article is divided into four parts. The first part analyses the two ‘longest presidencies’ from the perspective of the presidentialisation of the political system. The second outlines the key critical phases of Napolitano’s and Mattarella’s periods in office, with a focus on their ‘governing’ function, as permitted by the silent constitution. The third focuses on the dynamics of the second elections. Finally, the fourth highlights the most significant transformations within the silent constitution over this period.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"15 1","pages":"297 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The silent constitution: the presidency of Republic between constitutional provisions and actual powers\",\"authors\":\"A. Criscitiello\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/23248823.2023.2199183\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"ABSTRACT The living constitution was considerably transformed in the delicate and lengthy transition between the First and Second Italian Republics. These changes have also concerned the role and functions of the president of the Republic. In the last three legislatures, there has been much use of the renowned metaphor of the accordion of presidential power, which expands and contracts according to the role played by the parties in the political system. For although the Constitution has remained unchanged, this period has seen two important ‘exceptional’ responses by presidents to serious political crises: first, the appointment of prime ministers from outside of Parliament and the parties, the so-called governments of the president; and second, the second terms of Giorgio Napolitano in April 2013 and Sergio Mattarella in January 2022. But is this extreme expansion of the accordion really sufficient to demonstrate that we have stronger presidencies? An in-depth analysis of Napolitano’s and Mattarella’s responses to the critical junctures in the political system in fact paints a more complex picture. This article is divided into four parts. The first part analyses the two ‘longest presidencies’ from the perspective of the presidentialisation of the political system. The second outlines the key critical phases of Napolitano’s and Mattarella’s periods in office, with a focus on their ‘governing’ function, as permitted by the silent constitution. The third focuses on the dynamics of the second elections. Finally, the fourth highlights the most significant transformations within the silent constitution over this period.\",\"PeriodicalId\":37572,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Contemporary Italian Politics\",\"volume\":\"15 1\",\"pages\":\"297 - 311\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":2.2000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-04-05\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"2\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Contemporary Italian Politics\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2023.2199183\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q2\",\"JCRName\":\"POLITICAL SCIENCE\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Contemporary Italian Politics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2023.2199183","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"POLITICAL SCIENCE","Score":null,"Total":0}
The silent constitution: the presidency of Republic between constitutional provisions and actual powers
ABSTRACT The living constitution was considerably transformed in the delicate and lengthy transition between the First and Second Italian Republics. These changes have also concerned the role and functions of the president of the Republic. In the last three legislatures, there has been much use of the renowned metaphor of the accordion of presidential power, which expands and contracts according to the role played by the parties in the political system. For although the Constitution has remained unchanged, this period has seen two important ‘exceptional’ responses by presidents to serious political crises: first, the appointment of prime ministers from outside of Parliament and the parties, the so-called governments of the president; and second, the second terms of Giorgio Napolitano in April 2013 and Sergio Mattarella in January 2022. But is this extreme expansion of the accordion really sufficient to demonstrate that we have stronger presidencies? An in-depth analysis of Napolitano’s and Mattarella’s responses to the critical junctures in the political system in fact paints a more complex picture. This article is divided into four parts. The first part analyses the two ‘longest presidencies’ from the perspective of the presidentialisation of the political system. The second outlines the key critical phases of Napolitano’s and Mattarella’s periods in office, with a focus on their ‘governing’ function, as permitted by the silent constitution. The third focuses on the dynamics of the second elections. Finally, the fourth highlights the most significant transformations within the silent constitution over this period.
期刊介绍:
Contemporary Italian Politics, formerly Bulletin of Italian Politics, is a political science journal aimed at academics and policy makers as well as others with a professional or intellectual interest in the politics of Italy. The journal has two main aims: Firstly, to provide rigorous analysis, in the English language, about the politics of what is one of the European Union’s four largest states in terms of population and Gross Domestic Product. We seek to do this aware that too often those in the English-speaking world looking for incisive analysis and insight into the latest trends and developments in Italian politics are likely to be stymied by two contrasting difficulties. On the one hand, they can turn to the daily and weekly print media. Here they will find information on the latest developments, sure enough; but much of it is likely to lack the incisiveness of academic writing and may even be straightforwardly inaccurate. On the other hand, readers can turn either to general political science journals – but here they will have to face the issue of fragmented information – or to specific journals on Italy – in which case they will find that politics is considered only insofar as it is part of the broader field of modern Italian studies[...] The second aim follows from the first insofar as, in seeking to achieve it, we hope thereby to provide analysis that readers will find genuinely useful. With research funding bodies of all kinds giving increasing emphasis to knowledge transfer and increasingly demanding of applicants that they demonstrate the relevance of what they are doing to non-academic ‘end users’, political scientists have a self-interested motive for attempting a closer engagement with outside practitioners.