不透明和专断的候选人选择:政党、政治家和民主受到威胁

Q3 Social Sciences
Chang-Xi Wo
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引用次数: 0

摘要

虽然许多评论员都把注意力集中在马来西亚第15届全国大选(GE15)产生的悬浮议会结果上,但每个政党或联盟的候选人选拔过程并没有得到应有的关注。如果把民主比作一个主流政党是主要供应商的市场,那么如果主要供应商只提供有缺陷的产品,消费者(选民)就会面临糟糕的选择。尽管存在市场竞争,但供应不良可能损害民主。就描述性代表而言,从提名之日起,在议会中实现30%女性代表的目标是不可能的,因为没有一个主流政治联盟在其名单中提供至少30%的女性候选人。这同样适用于种族、年龄(青年)、社会阶层和其他人口分类方面的代表性。除了群体代表之外,选择个人候选人的过程是不透明和武断的,往往只反映政党或联盟最高领导层的偏好。与英国的保守党和工党不同,马来西亚政党在其宪法或执政文件中只提供有关候选人选择的有限和一般信息。现任议员的留任或更换、新候选人的提名都没有任何指导方针和标准,更没有党员或国民的参与。这种空白导致权力集中在党的领导层,也不可避免地导致个人或派系偏袒的指控,正如马来人民族统一组织(巫统)、人民正义党(人民公正党)和民主行动党(民主行动党)的例子所示。在巫统,潜在候选人的名单将由分区委员会提交给州一级联络委员会进行“考虑”,最后提交给最高理事会进行“确认”。然而,如果政党主席认为提名的候选人不符合某些标准,那么这个过程就会受到“重新谈判”的影响,即使宪法没有明确描述这些标准是什么。总统权力范围和程序时间表的模糊性赋予了总统对该党的巨大控制权和影响力,并使他成为事实上唯一的决策者。实际上,根据巫统副主席穆罕默德
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Opaque and arbitrary candidate selection: parties, politicians and democracy under threat
While many commentators have focused on the hung parliament outcome produced by Malaysia’s 15th General Election (GE15), the candidate selection process in each political party or coalition did not receive the attention it deserves. If democracy is likened to a market where mainstream parties are the major suppliers, customers (voters) are left with a poor choice if the major suppliers provide only defective goods. Notwithstanding market competition, democracy may be compromised by bad supply. Where descriptive representation is concerned, the goal to achieve 30% women’s representation in Dewan Rakyat was impossible from nomination day onwards, when none of the mainstream political coalitions offered at least 30% female candidates on their slates. The same applies to the representation in terms of ethnicity, age (youth), social classes and other demographic categorisation. Beyond group representation, the process of selecting individual candidates is opaque and arbitrary, often reflecting only the preferences of parties’ or coalitions’ top leadership. Unlike the Conservatives and Labour in the UK, Malaysian parties provide only limited and general information concerning candidate selection in their constitution or governing documents. There are no guidelines or criteria to decide the retention or replacement of incumbents, or the nomination of new candidates, let alone the participation of party members or the general public in candidate selection. Such lacunae lead to the concentration of power in the party leadership and inevitably also to accusations of personal or factional favouritism, as illustrated in the cases of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), People’s Justice Party (Parti Keadilan Rakyat, PKR) and Democratic Action Party (DAP). In UMNO, the list of potential candidates is to be submitted by division-level committees to state-level liaison committees for ‘consideration’ and finally the Supreme Council for ‘confirmation’. However, if the party President opines that the candidates proposed do not meet certain criteria, then this process is subject to ‘renegotiation’, even though the constitution does not explicitly describe what those criteria are. The ambiguity about the extent of President’s powers and the process’s timelines give the President enormous control and influence on the party and allow him to be the de facto sole decision-maker. In practice, according to UMNO Deputy President Mohamad
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来源期刊
Round Table
Round Table Social Sciences-Geography, Planning and Development
CiteScore
1.70
自引率
0.00%
发文量
77
期刊介绍: Founded in 1910, The Round Table, Britain"s oldest international affairs journal, provides analysis and commentary on all aspects of international affairs. The journal is the major source for coverage of policy issues concerning the contemporary Commonwealth and its role in international affairs, with occasional articles on themes of historical interest. The Round Table has for many years been a repository of informed scholarship, opinion, and judgement regarding both international relations in general, and the Commonwealth in particular, with authorship and readership drawn from the worlds of government, business, finance and academe.
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