恐怖分子在法国和法语国家的电影中被视为敌人

Maria Flood, Florence Martin
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引用次数: 2

摘要

到目前为止,我们所居住的后9-11世界的特征已经成为一种过时的陈词滥调,让人想起前现代的宗教战争:“文明冲突”(亨廷顿,1996年)的“宗教世纪”(据称是马尔罗在1972年预测的)已经变成了“全球反恐战争”(布什,2001年)的时代,这场战争使人们流离失所,并造成了“难民潮”(他们自己被怀疑是恐怖主义分子)。恐怖主义热在世界各地的媒体上似乎无休止地被描绘和传播,已经达到了可怕的程度。艺术家和电影制作人以独特的创作方式对其进行了描绘,仔细地从小说中提取事实,并剖析恐怖袭击对公众的情感影响。这一问题涉及法国和法语国家在电影中的陈述,摩洛哥(2003年5月16日在卡萨布兰卡)、突尼斯(2015年3月18日在突尼斯)、法国(2015年11月13日在巴黎)的袭击以及引发恐怖主义恐惧的直接政治下意识反应使这一问题变得更加紧迫。事实上,尽管欧洲公民实施了袭击,但移民“洪水”被归咎于袭击,从而支持了先前存在的针对移民的“我们对他们”言论。因为从二十世纪末开始,恐怖主义已经成为政治话语中的一种痴迷。1987年,后殖民和文化理论家爱德华·赛义德反对他所说的最近的“恐怖主义热”的夸张狂热和夸张言论:恐怖主义,特别是名义上“穆斯林”特工犯下的恐怖主义,已经取代共产主义成为“头号公敌”(1987195),并在西方公众意识中扮演了一个巨大的文化怪物角色。有先见之明的赛义德认为,这种对恐怖主义威胁的夸大有很多作用(今天众所周知):它为对外战争动员公众舆论,使“各种谋杀行为”合法化;它将“否认和回避历史”制度化(195);它有助于重新引导“对政府国内外政策的仔细审查”(195)。恐怖主义研究的语义领域随后被放大的摩尼教修辞所饱和,试图在被恐吓的西方和恐怖分子“他者”之间建立一种对立:“我们”从来都不是恐怖分子;是穆斯林、阿拉伯人和共产主义者。本杰明·巴伯(Benjamin Barber)后来将这种“我们与他们”的二分法描述为“圣战”这一倒退的传统主义运动与资本主义(或“McWorld”,1992年)的消耗力量之间的冲突。塞缪尔·亨廷顿(Samuel Huntington)更具争议性地将“西方与其他”二元对立理论化为穆斯林和非穆斯林世界之间的“文明冲突”(亨廷顿,1996年)。激进邪恶势力将恐怖主义威胁提升到文明威胁的水平,这使得人们更容易忽视西方在殖民主义和后殖民统治历史中所扮演的角色,以及在巴勒斯坦、阿富汗和伊拉克等地持续的占领和战争(Nail 2016)。正如赛义德挑衅性地建议的那样,将你的敌人与时间和因果关系隔离开来,《法国电影研究2019》,第19卷,第371-178号https://doi.org/10.1080/14715880.2018.1531338
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The terrorist as ennemi intime in French and Francophone cinema
Characterisations of the post 9–11 world we inhabit have by now become worn-out clichés evocative of pre-modern wars of religion: the ‘religious century’ (allegedly predicted by Malraux in 1972) of a ‘clash of civilizations’ (Huntington 1996) has turned into the epoch of a ‘global war on terror’ (Bush 2001) that has displaced populations and created a ‘flood of refugees’ (themselves suspected of terrorism) in Europe. The terrorism craze, imaged and relayed seemingly ad infinitum in the media worldwide, has reached horrific proportions. Artists and filmmakers have imaged it in distinct creative ways, carefully decanting facts from fiction, and dissecting the emotional impacts on the public from the spectacle of terrorist attacks. This issue deals with the French and Francophone representations on film, rendered all the more urgent by the attacks in Morocco (in Casablanca on 16 May 2003), Tunisia (in Tunis on 18 March 2015), France (in Paris on 13 November 2015), and the immediate political knee-jerk reactions that fed into the terrorism phobia. Indeed, although European citizens perpetrated the attacks, migrant ‘flooding’ was blamed for them, thus shoring up a pre-existing ‘us vs. them’ discourse against migrants. For terrorism has become an obsession from the late twentieth century on in political discourse. In 1987, postcolonial and cultural theorist Edward Said argued against the hyperbolic mania and inflated rhetoric of what he called the recent ‘terrorism craze’: terrorism, particularly terrorism committed by nominally ‘Muslim’ agents, has supplanted Communism as ‘public enemy number one’ (1987, 195), and assumed an oversized role as cultural bogeyman in the Western public consciousness. This aggrandisement of the terrorist threat, prescient Said argued, serves a number of functions (that are well known today): it mobilises public opinion for foreign wars, legitimating ‘various sorts of murderous action’; it institutionalises ‘the denial and avoidance of history’ (195); and it serves to redirect ‘careful scrutiny of the government’s domestic and foreign policies’ (195). The semantic field of terrorism studies then becomes saturated by magnified, Manichean rhetoric, seeking to construct an opposition between the terrorised West and the terrorist Other: ‘“We” are never terrorists; it’s the Moslems, Arabs and Communists who are’ (198). Benjamin Barber would later characterise this ‘us versus them’ dichotomy as the conflict between the regressive, traditionalist movements of ‘jihad’ and the allconsuming force of capitalism – or ‘McWorld’ (1992). Samuel Huntingdon more polemically theorised the ‘West versus the Other’ binary as a ‘clash of civilizations’ (Huntington 1996) between the Muslim and the non-Muslim worlds. The terrorist threat elevated to the level of a civilisational menace by a force of radical evil makes it easier to ignore the role played by the West in histories of colonialism and postcolonial domination, as well as the on-going occupation and war in places like Palestine, Afghanistan and Iraq (Nail 2016). As Said provocatively suggests, isolating ‘your enemy from time, from causality, STUDIES IN FRENCH CINEMA 2019, VOL. 19, NO. 3, 171–178 https://doi.org/10.1080/14715880.2018.1531338
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来源期刊
Studies in French Cinema
Studies in French Cinema FILM, RADIO, TELEVISION-
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