松鼠皮狂欢节

IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 0 ART
AFRICAN ARTS Pub Date : 2022-11-17 DOI:10.1162/afar_a_00680
Nsima Stanislaus Udo
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Others see the street as venue of governmental surveillance, secular power demonstration, class categorization, and legal systematization (Coleman and Sim 2000). The plasticity of defining the street is multifaceted, yet it overlaps its cultural and visual functionality. In this essay, I read Calabar Festival and carnival and the street as cultural theater through the which performance, play, and visuality are exhibited. Using photographs as my tool of analysis and historical resource, I conceptualize the street as a space of convergence where culture, visuality, creativity, economy, the secular, and the vulgar meet and entangle, creating changes, rhythms, and movements in cultural, political, leisure, and visual aesthetics1 (Fig. 2). While the social life of the street is complex, fluid, and seemingly boundless, its cultural, performance, play, and visual agency seems to diminish and invert the uncanny and domineering “political, legal, and economic forces that reinforce existing social hierarchies and patterns of exclusion” (Barker 2009) (Fig. 3). The Calabar Festival and Carnival is a thirty-one to thirty-two day yearly event that started in 2004/2005. The event takes place on the streets of Calabar, while certain aspects of the events are hosted at city centers like Calabar Stadium, Eleven-Eleven arena, Calabar Cultural Centre, and the Calabar Municipal Local Government ground, where the popular Carnival Village Market is positioned. In 2004/2005, the carnival was originally dubbed “Calabar Carnival Extravaganza” by the organizers, where a few “paradelike walk-about” revelers displayed symbols of different tourism sites and other forms and symbols of government projects with very sparse costuming (Carlson 2010: 47). Performances are orchestrated by different groups from the Cross River Regions and different national and international groups, while other contemporary entertainment events and popular performances are prospective features of the event at different gravity each year (Fig. 4). The festival/carnival dominantly clones the Caribbean carnival genre, with close parallels in performance, costuming, props, colors, floats, and other forms of cultural technicalities. The festival, which was originally built around an existing cultural tradition and performance of Efik people known as mbre ukabare-isua (the popular Christmas celebrations in the Cross River region), has shifted its performance and aesthetic ideals towards the Caribbean carnival genre in an attempt to remake an elaborate modernized and hybridized festival that is now scampering for international recognition and patronage (Figs. 5–6). Here, I position myself as a “visual griot” (as both a producer and an archivist).2 I attempted to document a history of contemporary Calabar Carnival in a visual form (Keller 2008). In this photo essay, I draw from my photographic archive of over a thousand photographs produced in 2019 during fieldwork in Calabar. Calabar is a typical Nigerian city in Cross River State. While rich in cultural antecedents and cosmopolitanism, Calabar is paradoxically a cultural terrain that is known for its social, economic, and political instability and that is larded with corruption, particularly in relation to investigating government-sponsored events (Fig. 7). My focus in this photo essay is primarily Calabar Carnival, one core component of the elaborate thirty-one to thirty-two day Calabar Festival and Carnival. I consider how Calabar Carnival, and the street, have become contested landscapes where performative visual technologies engage with social, cultural, and political entanglements. This essay shows how the street has become an important component in the making of history, in the creation, performance, and consumption of culture, and in curating and advancing visual practices, performances, and technologies. I consider how photography functions as making “raw history” (Edwards 2001: 5), creating documents of a carnival of culture (Fig. 8). 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To answer these questions, we need to briefly look at how the street has been theorized by scholars in the social sciences. The street has been defined as being “both contradictory and complex... distinctive but contested social space” as well as a space for public engagement and community-making (Hubbard and Lyon 2018). Others see the street as venue of governmental surveillance, secular power demonstration, class categorization, and legal systematization (Coleman and Sim 2000). The plasticity of defining the street is multifaceted, yet it overlaps its cultural and visual functionality. In this essay, I read Calabar Festival and carnival and the street as cultural theater through the which performance, play, and visuality are exhibited. Using photographs as my tool of analysis and historical resource, I conceptualize the street as a space of convergence where culture, visuality, creativity, economy, the secular, and the vulgar meet and entangle, creating changes, rhythms, and movements in cultural, political, leisure, and visual aesthetics1 (Fig. 2). While the social life of the street is complex, fluid, and seemingly boundless, its cultural, performance, play, and visual agency seems to diminish and invert the uncanny and domineering “political, legal, and economic forces that reinforce existing social hierarchies and patterns of exclusion” (Barker 2009) (Fig. 3). The Calabar Festival and Carnival is a thirty-one to thirty-two day yearly event that started in 2004/2005. The event takes place on the streets of Calabar, while certain aspects of the events are hosted at city centers like Calabar Stadium, Eleven-Eleven arena, Calabar Cultural Centre, and the Calabar Municipal Local Government ground, where the popular Carnival Village Market is positioned. In 2004/2005, the carnival was originally dubbed “Calabar Carnival Extravaganza” by the organizers, where a few “paradelike walk-about” revelers displayed symbols of different tourism sites and other forms and symbols of government projects with very sparse costuming (Carlson 2010: 47). Performances are orchestrated by different groups from the Cross River Regions and different national and international groups, while other contemporary entertainment events and popular performances are prospective features of the event at different gravity each year (Fig. 4). The festival/carnival dominantly clones the Caribbean carnival genre, with close parallels in performance, costuming, props, colors, floats, and other forms of cultural technicalities. The festival, which was originally built around an existing cultural tradition and performance of Efik people known as mbre ukabare-isua (the popular Christmas celebrations in the Cross River region), has shifted its performance and aesthetic ideals towards the Caribbean carnival genre in an attempt to remake an elaborate modernized and hybridized festival that is now scampering for international recognition and patronage (Figs. 5–6). Here, I position myself as a “visual griot” (as both a producer and an archivist).2 I attempted to document a history of contemporary Calabar Carnival in a visual form (Keller 2008). In this photo essay, I draw from my photographic archive of over a thousand photographs produced in 2019 during fieldwork in Calabar. Calabar is a typical Nigerian city in Cross River State. 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引用次数: 1

摘要

b|非洲艺术冬季2022年第55卷,第1期。街道在当代和商品化的非洲节日的生产和消费中的地位是什么?街道是如何成为一个策展平台和一个有争议的空间,通过它,视觉性、文化审美和商品化、游戏、粗俗和世俗融合和纠结,试图创造一个复合的节日,产生不同层次的历史、文化和视觉分析?(图1)为了回答这些问题,我们需要简要地看看社会科学学者是如何将街道理论化的。这条街被定义为“既矛盾又复杂……独特但有争议的社会空间”,以及公众参与和社区建设的空间(Hubbard and Lyon 2018)。其他人将街道视为政府监视、世俗权力展示、阶级分类和法律系统化的场所(Coleman and Sim 2000)。定义街道的可塑性是多方面的,但它重叠了它的文化和视觉功能。在这篇文章中,我将Calabar节和狂欢节以及街道视为文化剧场,通过表演,戏剧和视觉性来展示。我利用照片作为我的分析工具和历史资源,将街道概念化为文化、视觉、创意、经济、世俗和庸俗相遇和纠缠的融合空间,创造文化、政治、休闲和视觉美学的变化、节奏和运动1(图2)。虽然街道的社会生活是复杂的、流动的,似乎是无限的,但它的文化、表演、游戏、视觉代理似乎削弱和颠倒了神秘和霸道的“政治、法律和经济力量,这些力量加强了现有的社会等级和排斥模式”(Barker 2009)(图3)。卡拉巴尔节和狂欢节是2004/2005年开始的一年一度的31到32天的活动。活动在卡拉巴尔的街道上举行,而活动的某些方面在城市中心举行,如卡拉巴尔体育场、11 - 11竞技场、卡拉巴尔文化中心和卡拉巴尔市政地方政府场地,那里有受欢迎的嘉年华村市场。在2004/2005年,狂欢节最初被组织者称为“Calabar carnival Extravaganza”,几个“游行式步行”的狂欢者穿着非常稀疏的服装,展示着不同旅游景点的象征和其他形式的政府项目的象征(Carlson 2010: 47)。表演由来自克罗斯河地区的不同团体以及不同的国家和国际团体精心策划,而其他当代娱乐活动和流行表演是该活动每年不同程度的前瞻性特征(图4)。节日/狂欢节主要复制加勒比狂欢节类型,在表演,服装,道具,颜色,花车和其他形式的文化技术方面有着密切的相似之处。这个节日最初是围绕着现有的文化传统和埃菲克人的表演而建立的,被称为mbre ukabare-isua(克罗斯河地区流行的圣诞节庆祝活动),已经将其表演和审美理想转向加勒比狂欢节类型,试图重塑一个精心制作的现代化和混合的节日,现在正在争取国际认可和赞助(图5-6)。在这里,我把自己定位为“视觉苦行僧”(既是制作人又是档案保管员)我试图以视觉形式记录当代卡拉巴尔狂欢节的历史(Keller 2008)。在这篇摄影文章中,我从我的摄影档案中提取了2019年在卡拉巴尔实地考察期间拍摄的一千多张照片。卡拉巴尔是克洛斯河州一个典型的尼日利亚城市。虽然卡拉巴尔有着丰富的文化渊源和世界主义,但矛盾的是,卡拉巴尔是一个以社会、经济和政治不稳定而闻名的文化地区,而且腐败现象猖獗,特别是在调查政府赞助的活动方面(图7)。我在这篇摄影文章中的重点主要是卡拉巴尔狂欢节,这是精心制作的31至32天的卡拉巴尔节日和狂欢节的核心组成部分。我考虑了Calabar狂欢节和街道如何成为有争议的景观,其中表演视觉技术与社会,文化和政治纠缠在一起。这篇文章展示了街道如何成为历史创造、文化创造、表演和消费、策划和推进视觉实践、表演和技术的重要组成部分。我考虑的是摄影如何发挥“原始历史”的作用(Edwards 2001: 5),创造文化狂欢的文件(图8)。然而,狂欢的视觉记录都是通过摄影散文
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Calabar Carnival
| african arts WINTER 2022 VOL. 55, NO. 4 What is the place of the street in the production and consumption of contemporary and commodified African festival? How has the street become a curatorial platform and a contested space through which visuality, cultural aesthetic and commodification, play, vulgarity, and the secular coalesce and tangle in an attempt to create a composite festival that produces different layers of historical, cultural, and visual analysis? (Fig. 1). To answer these questions, we need to briefly look at how the street has been theorized by scholars in the social sciences. The street has been defined as being “both contradictory and complex... distinctive but contested social space” as well as a space for public engagement and community-making (Hubbard and Lyon 2018). Others see the street as venue of governmental surveillance, secular power demonstration, class categorization, and legal systematization (Coleman and Sim 2000). The plasticity of defining the street is multifaceted, yet it overlaps its cultural and visual functionality. In this essay, I read Calabar Festival and carnival and the street as cultural theater through the which performance, play, and visuality are exhibited. Using photographs as my tool of analysis and historical resource, I conceptualize the street as a space of convergence where culture, visuality, creativity, economy, the secular, and the vulgar meet and entangle, creating changes, rhythms, and movements in cultural, political, leisure, and visual aesthetics1 (Fig. 2). While the social life of the street is complex, fluid, and seemingly boundless, its cultural, performance, play, and visual agency seems to diminish and invert the uncanny and domineering “political, legal, and economic forces that reinforce existing social hierarchies and patterns of exclusion” (Barker 2009) (Fig. 3). The Calabar Festival and Carnival is a thirty-one to thirty-two day yearly event that started in 2004/2005. The event takes place on the streets of Calabar, while certain aspects of the events are hosted at city centers like Calabar Stadium, Eleven-Eleven arena, Calabar Cultural Centre, and the Calabar Municipal Local Government ground, where the popular Carnival Village Market is positioned. In 2004/2005, the carnival was originally dubbed “Calabar Carnival Extravaganza” by the organizers, where a few “paradelike walk-about” revelers displayed symbols of different tourism sites and other forms and symbols of government projects with very sparse costuming (Carlson 2010: 47). Performances are orchestrated by different groups from the Cross River Regions and different national and international groups, while other contemporary entertainment events and popular performances are prospective features of the event at different gravity each year (Fig. 4). The festival/carnival dominantly clones the Caribbean carnival genre, with close parallels in performance, costuming, props, colors, floats, and other forms of cultural technicalities. The festival, which was originally built around an existing cultural tradition and performance of Efik people known as mbre ukabare-isua (the popular Christmas celebrations in the Cross River region), has shifted its performance and aesthetic ideals towards the Caribbean carnival genre in an attempt to remake an elaborate modernized and hybridized festival that is now scampering for international recognition and patronage (Figs. 5–6). Here, I position myself as a “visual griot” (as both a producer and an archivist).2 I attempted to document a history of contemporary Calabar Carnival in a visual form (Keller 2008). In this photo essay, I draw from my photographic archive of over a thousand photographs produced in 2019 during fieldwork in Calabar. Calabar is a typical Nigerian city in Cross River State. While rich in cultural antecedents and cosmopolitanism, Calabar is paradoxically a cultural terrain that is known for its social, economic, and political instability and that is larded with corruption, particularly in relation to investigating government-sponsored events (Fig. 7). My focus in this photo essay is primarily Calabar Carnival, one core component of the elaborate thirty-one to thirty-two day Calabar Festival and Carnival. I consider how Calabar Carnival, and the street, have become contested landscapes where performative visual technologies engage with social, cultural, and political entanglements. This essay shows how the street has become an important component in the making of history, in the creation, performance, and consumption of culture, and in curating and advancing visual practices, performances, and technologies. I consider how photography functions as making “raw history” (Edwards 2001: 5), creating documents of a carnival of culture (Fig. 8). However, the visual documentation of carnival by both photo essay
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
33.30%
发文量
38
期刊介绍: African Arts is devoted to the study and discussion of traditional, contemporary, and popular African arts and expressive cultures. Since 1967, African Arts readers have enjoyed high-quality visual depictions, cutting-edge explorations of theory and practice, and critical dialogue. Each issue features a core of peer-reviewed scholarly articles concerning the world"s second largest continent and its diasporas, and provides a host of resources - book and museum exhibition reviews, exhibition previews, features on collections, artist portfolios, dialogue and editorial columns. The journal promotes investigation of the connections between the arts and anthropology, history, language, literature, politics, religion, and sociology.
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