C. Y. Bethin, Maria Bloch-Trojnar, Malgorzata E Ćavar, Emily M Rudman, Antonio Oštarić, Angelina Rubina, Stanley Dubinsky, R. Cleminson, Ljiljana Đurašković
{"title":"乌克兰语Ø-Suffixed动名词的韵律","authors":"C. Y. Bethin, Maria Bloch-Trojnar, Malgorzata E Ćavar, Emily M Rudman, Antonio Oštarić, Angelina Rubina, Stanley Dubinsky, R. Cleminson, Ljiljana Đurašković","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2022.0000","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Ukrainian Ø-suffixed deverbal nouns such as perépyt 'repeated inquiry' are derived from perfective and/or imperfective verbs (< perepytátyPFV 'to ask again, re-interrogate', perepýtuvatyIPFV 'to ask repeatedly'). In some nouns, a complete match in segments and prosody between a base and the derivative is found in the infinitival stem of either or both aspects, as in nadríz 'cut, incision', nadrízatyPFV, nadrízuvatyIPFV 'to make a slight cut'. For other nouns, a segmental match is found in the infinitival stem, but another verb form would be needed to provide the prosodic match, as in rozrýv 'rupture, break', rozryvátyIPFV, rozirvátyPFV 'to tear, rend, break apart', with a stress match only in rozrývanyjPPP. But for many nouns with stress on the prefix, as in perépyt, there simply is no derivational base available for a prosodic match. The proposal is that stress on the prefix in deverbal nouns is a morphosemantic innovation in Ukrainian motivated by hypostasis, i.e., the process of a noun becoming more concrete, designating a result or product of the action rather than nominalizing the action itself (Townsend 1980). The derivation of deverbal nouns can be seen as a stem-level process subject to a grammar with some version of Base-Derivative faithfulness (Stress Faith >> Stress Prefix). But in hypostatic masculine deverbal nouns, the prosodic adjustment takes place on words and here stress is (re)assigned to the prefix by Stress Prefix >> Stress Faith. Ukrainian thus presents a notable case of prosodically marked semantic change.","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Prosody of Ø-Suffixed Deverbal Nouns in Ukrainian\",\"authors\":\"C. Y. Bethin, Maria Bloch-Trojnar, Malgorzata E Ćavar, Emily M Rudman, Antonio Oštarić, Angelina Rubina, Stanley Dubinsky, R. Cleminson, Ljiljana Đurašković\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/jsl.2022.0000\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Abstract:Ukrainian Ø-suffixed deverbal nouns such as perépyt 'repeated inquiry' are derived from perfective and/or imperfective verbs (< perepytátyPFV 'to ask again, re-interrogate', perepýtuvatyIPFV 'to ask repeatedly'). In some nouns, a complete match in segments and prosody between a base and the derivative is found in the infinitival stem of either or both aspects, as in nadríz 'cut, incision', nadrízatyPFV, nadrízuvatyIPFV 'to make a slight cut'. For other nouns, a segmental match is found in the infinitival stem, but another verb form would be needed to provide the prosodic match, as in rozrýv 'rupture, break', rozryvátyIPFV, rozirvátyPFV 'to tear, rend, break apart', with a stress match only in rozrývanyjPPP. But for many nouns with stress on the prefix, as in perépyt, there simply is no derivational base available for a prosodic match. The proposal is that stress on the prefix in deverbal nouns is a morphosemantic innovation in Ukrainian motivated by hypostasis, i.e., the process of a noun becoming more concrete, designating a result or product of the action rather than nominalizing the action itself (Townsend 1980). The derivation of deverbal nouns can be seen as a stem-level process subject to a grammar with some version of Base-Derivative faithfulness (Stress Faith >> Stress Prefix). But in hypostatic masculine deverbal nouns, the prosodic adjustment takes place on words and here stress is (re)assigned to the prefix by Stress Prefix >> Stress Faith. Ukrainian thus presents a notable case of prosodically marked semantic change.\",\"PeriodicalId\":52037,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of Slavic Linguistics\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.4000,\"publicationDate\":\"2022-01-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of Slavic Linguistics\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2022.0000\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"0\",\"JCRName\":\"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2022.0000","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
摘要:乌克兰语Ø-suffixed表示名词,如per pyt(重复询问),源于完成和/或不完成动词(< perepytátyPFV 'to ask again, re-interrogate', perepýtuvatyIPFV 'to ask repeat ')。在一些名词中,词根和衍生词在词段和韵律上完全匹配的是其中一方或双方的不定式词干,如nadríz 'cut,切口',nadrízatyPFV, nadrízuvatyIPFV 'to make a little cut'。对于其他名词,在不定式词干中可以找到分段匹配,但需要另一种动词形式来提供韵律匹配,如rozrýv 'rupture, break', rozryvátyIPFV, rozirvátyPFV 'to tear, rend, break apart',只有在rozrývanyjPPP中才有重音匹配。但是对于许多前缀重音的名词,如persamyt,根本没有派生词根来进行韵律匹配。该建议认为,在乌克兰语中,对指代性名词前缀的强调是一种词形上的创新,其动机是位格化,即名词变得更加具体的过程,指定动作的结果或产物,而不是将动作本身名化(Townsend 1980)。派生名词的派生可以被看作是一个词干级的过程,服从于某种形式的基本派生忠诚的语法(重音信念>>重音前缀)。但在属格的男性动名词中,韵律调整发生在单词上,这里重音(重新)分配给前缀>>重音信念。因此,乌克兰语呈现出明显的韵律性语义变化。
The Prosody of Ø-Suffixed Deverbal Nouns in Ukrainian
Abstract:Ukrainian Ø-suffixed deverbal nouns such as perépyt 'repeated inquiry' are derived from perfective and/or imperfective verbs (< perepytátyPFV 'to ask again, re-interrogate', perepýtuvatyIPFV 'to ask repeatedly'). In some nouns, a complete match in segments and prosody between a base and the derivative is found in the infinitival stem of either or both aspects, as in nadríz 'cut, incision', nadrízatyPFV, nadrízuvatyIPFV 'to make a slight cut'. For other nouns, a segmental match is found in the infinitival stem, but another verb form would be needed to provide the prosodic match, as in rozrýv 'rupture, break', rozryvátyIPFV, rozirvátyPFV 'to tear, rend, break apart', with a stress match only in rozrývanyjPPP. But for many nouns with stress on the prefix, as in perépyt, there simply is no derivational base available for a prosodic match. The proposal is that stress on the prefix in deverbal nouns is a morphosemantic innovation in Ukrainian motivated by hypostasis, i.e., the process of a noun becoming more concrete, designating a result or product of the action rather than nominalizing the action itself (Townsend 1980). The derivation of deverbal nouns can be seen as a stem-level process subject to a grammar with some version of Base-Derivative faithfulness (Stress Faith >> Stress Prefix). But in hypostatic masculine deverbal nouns, the prosodic adjustment takes place on words and here stress is (re)assigned to the prefix by Stress Prefix >> Stress Faith. Ukrainian thus presents a notable case of prosodically marked semantic change.
期刊介绍:
Journal of Slavic Linguistics, or JSL, is the official journal of the Slavic Linguistics Society. JSL publishes research articles and book reviews that address the description and analysis of Slavic languages and that are of general interest to linguists. Published papers deal with any aspect of synchronic or diachronic Slavic linguistics – phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, or pragmatics – which raises substantive problems of broad theoretical concern or proposes significant descriptive generalizations. Comparative studies and formal analyses are also published. Different theoretical orientations are represented in the journal. One volume (two issues) is published per year, ca. 360 pp.