{"title":"独裁者的困境:普京的权力及其局限","authors":"Andrew Monaghan","doi":"10.1353/asp.2022.0045","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Timothy Frye begins his fine book, Weak Strongman: The Limits of Power in Putin’s Russia, with Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the question of whether the United States should have militarily intervened in 2014. The book is intended to “improve our public conversation” about Russia (p. vii). His argument is that Russia is a personalist autocracy and an “opportunistic power that uses its military and economic might to influence weaker countries in its neighborhood while picking its spots against more powerful rivals like the European Union, United States, and China” (p. 200). Even so, Frye (correctly, in my view) both highlights the significant limits to Putin’s power and also suggests that “Russia’s next few years will likely be rocky” because of “deep economic crisis” and public fatigue with Putin (p. 200). This analysis sounds like a view written in spring 2022, but Frye wrote his book well before Moscow’s renewed invasion of Ukraine in February. The ongoing relevance of his intention to improve our public conversation is being proved as the West debates Putin’s rationality, the desirability and nature of a military intervention in the war, and even the possibility of an escalation to World War III and the use of nuclear weapons. The great-power competition that became part of policy and public discussion in the West in the mid-to-late 2010s is now very real. Informed public conversation could hardly be more timely or important. To enhance public understanding of Russia, Frye seeks to answer the main questions that have dominated Western debate about Russia since the mid-2000s. Book chapters cover Putin’s popularity; the role of elections, repression, and media manipulation; fluctuations in Russia’s economy; and Moscow’s great-power posturing and assertive foreign policy, including in the cyber realm. Thus, Frye aims to show how Russia “actually” works and how it does not, what Russian politics is and what it is not. Helpfully, he also compares Russia with other autocracies to place it into the wider context. Frye’s analysis to demonstrate how Putin is a “weak strongman” is admirably concise, well-organized, and accessible. 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His argument is that Russia is a personalist autocracy and an “opportunistic power that uses its military and economic might to influence weaker countries in its neighborhood while picking its spots against more powerful rivals like the European Union, United States, and China” (p. 200). Even so, Frye (correctly, in my view) both highlights the significant limits to Putin’s power and also suggests that “Russia’s next few years will likely be rocky” because of “deep economic crisis” and public fatigue with Putin (p. 200). This analysis sounds like a view written in spring 2022, but Frye wrote his book well before Moscow’s renewed invasion of Ukraine in February. The ongoing relevance of his intention to improve our public conversation is being proved as the West debates Putin’s rationality, the desirability and nature of a military intervention in the war, and even the possibility of an escalation to World War III and the use of nuclear weapons. The great-power competition that became part of policy and public discussion in the West in the mid-to-late 2010s is now very real. Informed public conversation could hardly be more timely or important. To enhance public understanding of Russia, Frye seeks to answer the main questions that have dominated Western debate about Russia since the mid-2000s. Book chapters cover Putin’s popularity; the role of elections, repression, and media manipulation; fluctuations in Russia’s economy; and Moscow’s great-power posturing and assertive foreign policy, including in the cyber realm. Thus, Frye aims to show how Russia “actually” works and how it does not, what Russian politics is and what it is not. Helpfully, he also compares Russia with other autocracies to place it into the wider context. Frye’s analysis to demonstrate how Putin is a “weak strongman” is admirably concise, well-organized, and accessible. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
蒂莫西·弗莱(Timothy Frye)以俄罗斯吞并克里米亚以及美国是否应该在2014年进行军事干预的问题开始了他的好书《软弱的强人:普京统治下的俄罗斯的权力极限》(Weak Strongman: The Limits of Power in Putin)。这本书的目的是“改善我们对俄罗斯的公众对话”(第7页)。他的论点是,俄罗斯是一个个人主义的专制国家,是一个“机会主义的大国,利用其军事和经济实力影响其邻国的较弱国家,同时选择自己的位置来对抗更强大的对手,如欧盟、美国和中国”(第200页)。即便如此,弗莱(在我看来是正确的)既强调了普京权力的重大限制,也暗示“俄罗斯未来几年可能会很艰难”,因为“严重的经济危机”和公众对普京的厌倦(第200页)。这篇分析听起来像是2022年春天写的,但弗莱写这本书的时间早在莫斯科今年2月再次入侵乌克兰之前。西方正在讨论普京的合理性、军事干预战争的可取性和性质,甚至是升级为第三次世界大战和使用核武器的可能性,这证明了普京改善公众对话的意图的持续相关性。大国竞争在2010年代中后期成为西方政策和公共讨论的一部分,现在已经非常真实。有见地的公众对话是最及时、最重要的。为了增进公众对俄罗斯的了解,弗莱试图回答自2000年代中期以来主导西方关于俄罗斯辩论的主要问题。书中的章节涵盖了普京的受欢迎程度;选举、镇压和媒体操纵的作用;俄罗斯经济的波动;以及莫斯科的大国姿态和自信的外交政策,包括在网络领域。因此,弗莱的目的是展示俄罗斯“实际上”是如何运作的,而不是如何运作的,俄罗斯的政治是什么,不是什么。有益的是,他还将俄罗斯与其他独裁国家进行了比较,将其置于更广阔的背景中。弗莱的分析展示了普京是一个“软弱的强人”,令人钦佩的简洁、条理清晰、平易近人。最有价值的见解是弗莱如何带领我们超越“普京学”,而是反思
An Autocrat's Dilemmas: Putin's Power and Its Limits
Timothy Frye begins his fine book, Weak Strongman: The Limits of Power in Putin’s Russia, with Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the question of whether the United States should have militarily intervened in 2014. The book is intended to “improve our public conversation” about Russia (p. vii). His argument is that Russia is a personalist autocracy and an “opportunistic power that uses its military and economic might to influence weaker countries in its neighborhood while picking its spots against more powerful rivals like the European Union, United States, and China” (p. 200). Even so, Frye (correctly, in my view) both highlights the significant limits to Putin’s power and also suggests that “Russia’s next few years will likely be rocky” because of “deep economic crisis” and public fatigue with Putin (p. 200). This analysis sounds like a view written in spring 2022, but Frye wrote his book well before Moscow’s renewed invasion of Ukraine in February. The ongoing relevance of his intention to improve our public conversation is being proved as the West debates Putin’s rationality, the desirability and nature of a military intervention in the war, and even the possibility of an escalation to World War III and the use of nuclear weapons. The great-power competition that became part of policy and public discussion in the West in the mid-to-late 2010s is now very real. Informed public conversation could hardly be more timely or important. To enhance public understanding of Russia, Frye seeks to answer the main questions that have dominated Western debate about Russia since the mid-2000s. Book chapters cover Putin’s popularity; the role of elections, repression, and media manipulation; fluctuations in Russia’s economy; and Moscow’s great-power posturing and assertive foreign policy, including in the cyber realm. Thus, Frye aims to show how Russia “actually” works and how it does not, what Russian politics is and what it is not. Helpfully, he also compares Russia with other autocracies to place it into the wider context. Frye’s analysis to demonstrate how Putin is a “weak strongman” is admirably concise, well-organized, and accessible. The most valuable insights are in how Frye takes us beyond “Putinology,” reflecting instead on
期刊介绍:
Asia Policy is a peer-reviewed scholarly journal presenting policy-relevant academic research on the Asia-Pacific that draws clear and concise conclusions useful to today’s policymakers.