生,死,和西方战争方式

IF 2.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE
Davide Fammenghi
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引用次数: 0

摘要

政治建立在愤怒的人民和享有特权的人之间的冲突之上,被认为对许多人生活条件的恶化负有责任。在这个意义上,达米亚尼(与埃内斯托·拉克劳和尚塔尔·墨菲等作者一起)展示了左翼政党与极端保守的右翼相比,民粹主义诉求的使用方式是如何不同的:包容性而不是排他性。使所审议的各方团结起来的一个因素是强调扩大民主参与的社会基础。特别是,“我们可以”党和第四国际非常重视对话者通过信息技术平台的参与,以寻找一种政党模式,至少在一定程度上可以取代传统的组织形式。在书的第二部分,作者用三个重要的章节(“组织”、“领导”和“参与”)来阐述这些问题,很好地说明了一种可能的新政党模式如何仍处于规划阶段。除了组织问题之外,激进左翼政党还面临着其他“困境”,从他们对欧盟的立场到对可能的民主主权的界定,以及与其他左翼或中左翼政党的关系。达米亚尼所考虑的三方都有着非常激进和反建制的目标,它们都经历了复杂的演变过程。激进左翼联盟领导了一个行政部门,有效地取代了泛希腊社会主义运动党,成为希腊左翼中最大的政党;“我们可以”选择与社会主义工人党(PSOE)组成执政联盟,而在法国,由法国人民联盟(french Insoumise)推动的人民联盟(Popular Union)是第四国际与社会党(Socialist Party)、共产党(Communist Party)和绿党(Greens)为2022年立法选举达成的联合协议。这些进程的长期影响仍不确定,但很可能未来欧洲左翼的意义也取决于达米亚尼书中所描述的激进政党能够做出的贡献。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Life, Death, and the Western Way of War
politics based on the conflict between the indignant people and the privileged élite, considered responsible for the worsening of the living conditions of the many. In this sense, Damiani (along with authors such as Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe) shows how the populist appeal is used differently by left-wing parties compared to the ultra-conservative right: inclusively rather than exclusively. An element that unites the parties considered is the emphasis placed on broadening the social bases of democratic participation. In particular, Podemos and FI have focused heavily on the involvement of their interlocutors through information technology platforms, in search of a party model that can replace, at least in part, traditional organizational forms. In the second part of the book, the author devotes three important chapters (‘Organization’, ‘Leadership’ and ‘Participation’) to precisely these issues, well showing how a possible new party model is still in the planning stage. In addition to organizational problems, other ‘dilemmas’ stand in the way of radical left parties, from their stances on the European Union to the delineation of a possible democratic sovereignty, and relations with other left or centre-left parties. Born with very radical and anti-establishment objectives, all three parties considered by Damiani have undergone complex processes of evolution. Syriza led an executive, effectively replacing Pasok as the largest party on the Greek left; Podemos has chosen to participate in a governing coalition with the PSOE, and in France, the Popular Union, promoted by France Insoumise, was a coalition agreement for the 2022 legislative elections between FI and the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and the Greens. The longterm effect of these processes is still uncertain, but it is probable that the meaning of what the left might be in Europe in the future also depends on the contribution that the radical parties, well described in Damiani’s book, will be able to make.
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来源期刊
Contemporary Italian Politics
Contemporary Italian Politics Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
4.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
40
期刊介绍: Contemporary Italian Politics, formerly Bulletin of Italian Politics, is a political science journal aimed at academics and policy makers as well as others with a professional or intellectual interest in the politics of Italy. The journal has two main aims: Firstly, to provide rigorous analysis, in the English language, about the politics of what is one of the European Union’s four largest states in terms of population and Gross Domestic Product. We seek to do this aware that too often those in the English-speaking world looking for incisive analysis and insight into the latest trends and developments in Italian politics are likely to be stymied by two contrasting difficulties. On the one hand, they can turn to the daily and weekly print media. Here they will find information on the latest developments, sure enough; but much of it is likely to lack the incisiveness of academic writing and may even be straightforwardly inaccurate. On the other hand, readers can turn either to general political science journals – but here they will have to face the issue of fragmented information – or to specific journals on Italy – in which case they will find that politics is considered only insofar as it is part of the broader field of modern Italian studies[...] The second aim follows from the first insofar as, in seeking to achieve it, we hope thereby to provide analysis that readers will find genuinely useful. With research funding bodies of all kinds giving increasing emphasis to knowledge transfer and increasingly demanding of applicants that they demonstrate the relevance of what they are doing to non-academic ‘end users’, political scientists have a self-interested motive for attempting a closer engagement with outside practitioners.
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