塑造工作的未来:主动治理与千禧一代

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY
A. Wolf
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引用次数: 0

摘要

数字技术、算法和人工智能的兴起正在推动第四次工业革命,这似乎正在产生一种机会感和恐惧感。在《塑造工作的未来:主动治理和千禧一代》一书中,尼兰詹•拉古纳特认为,不断变化的技术产生了“社会流动性”,这使得千禧一代融入传统社会和经济结构变得更加复杂。她以新加坡为例,探讨如何通过与民众、企业和教育系统合作,预测经济变化,帮助公民“驾驭未来趋势的浪潮”,积极主动的治理可以缓解这种社会动荡,从而有可能减轻技术变革给年轻一代带来的挑战。这本书主要围绕两个主题展开。首先,Raghunath旨在探索流动社会的创造是如何影响千禧一代的。她认为,这种变化意味着社会资本已经不够用了,千禧一代知道他们还必须建立自己的“技能更新资本”,不断努力提高自己和就业能力。这种焦虑导致了诸如频繁跳槽之类的行为,从而形成了对千禧一代职业道德和敬业精神的刻板印象,拉古纳特认为,这种刻板印象在很大程度上是没有根据的。其次,这本书认为,不断变化的社会及其对千禧一代和Z世代的影响需要积极主动的治理,新加坡是一个有用的原型。主动治理被描述为预测未来并建立社会、经济和物理基础设施以实现不断的技能升级的过程。重要的是,新加坡的主动治理既包括正在实施的实际项目,也包括建设促进适应的文化的项目。研究自动化、代际和经济文化的社会学家会在这本书中发现很多值得考虑的问题。对自动化的探索得益于曼德尔(1975)对这一主题的思考以及贝克(1992)对风险社会的概念。拉古纳特发现,自动化产生的焦虑甚至会影响到千禧一代等数字原住民的社会行为,这为如何塑造工作和福利国家提出了有趣的问题。基于曼海姆(Mannheim,[1952] 2013)开创性的世代概念,本书讲述了老一辈人如何努力将千禧一代纳入公司。一个核心挑战是,千禧一代渴望在工作中找到意义。最后,在思考社会文化如何影响经济结果时,新加坡以其独特的文化项目促进深度多元文化主义和对精英政治的痴迷,提出了有趣的韦伯式([1905]2002)与新教工作伦理的相似之处。虽然对自动化问题进行了详细的讨论,但这本书本可以更深入地探讨几代人的理论问题以及主动治理的文化经济影响。在序言和引言之后,本书基本上分为两个部分。第一部分由三章组成,介绍了流动理论,流动如何影响千禧一代,然后是主动治理的概念。第二部分包括两章和一个结论,通过以新加坡的积极治理模式为例,展示本书的实证发现,然后根据丰富的访谈数据说明这种治理如何影响该国的千禧一代。理论章节对围绕自动化、工作中的千禧一代以及政府应对这些挑战的辩论进行了冗长的思考。第一章介绍了由于算法和人工智能的兴起而产生的第四次工业革命所创造的流动社会的理论。工人们必须不断地进行技能升级,这就产生了焦虑和恐惧。评论的一个模型
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Shaping the Futures of Work: Proactive Governance and Millennials
The rise of digital technology, algorithms, and artificial intelligence is fueling a fourth industrial revolution, which appears to be generating a sense of both opportunity and fear in equal measure. In Shaping the Futures of Work: Proactive Governance and Millennials, Nilanjan Raghunath argues that changing technology has generated ‘‘societal flux,’’ which has complicated the incorporation of millennials into traditional social and economic structures. She uses the example of Singapore to explore how proactive governance can mitigate this societal flux, by working in collaboration with the population, businesses, and the education system to predict changes to the economy and help citizens ‘‘ride the waves of future trends,’’ potentially ameliorating the challenges technological change poses for the youngest generations. The book is framed around two overarching themes. First, Raghunath aims to explore how the creation of the flux society is affecting the millennial generation. She argues that flux means social capital is no longer enough, and millennials know they must also build their ‘‘skills-updating capital,’’ constantly working to improve themselves and their employability. This anxiety results in behaviors such as moving jobs frequently, which generates stereotypes of millennials’ work ethic and commitment that, Raghunath argues, are largely unfounded. Second, the book argues that the flux society and its impact on millennials and Gen Z demand a proactive governance, of which Singapore is presented as a useful archetype. Proactive governance is described as a process of anticipating the future and building the social, economic, and physical infrastructure to enable constant skills upgrading. Importantly, proactive governance in Singapore is just as much about the actual programs being implemented as their project of building a culture that promotes adaptation. Sociologists of automation, generations, and economic culture will find much to consider in this book. The exploration of automation is in debt to Mandel’s (1975) thinking on the subject as well as Beck’s (1992) notion of the risk society. Raghunath’s finding that automation produces anxiety that affects social behavior even among digital natives, such as millennials, presents interesting questions for how to shape work and the welfare state. Building on Mannheim’s ([1952] 2013) seminal conception of generations, the book presents a narrative of how older generations are struggling to incorporate millennials into firms. A central challenge is that millennials desire to find meaning in their work. Finally, the experience of Singapore with its unique cultural project of promoting deep multiculturalism and obsessive focus on meritocracy raises interesting Weberian ([1905] 2002) parallels to the protestant work ethic in thinking about how social culture affects economic outcomes. Although the issue of automation is discussed in detail, the book could have more deeply explored the theoretical issues of generations and the cultural-economic impacts of proactive governance. Following a preface and introduction, the book is essentially divided into two parts. The first part, composed of three chapters, presents the theory of flux, how flux affects millennials, and then the notion of proactive governance. The second part includes two chapters and a conclusion, which presents the book’s empirical findings through the example of Singapore’s model of proactive governance and then an account based on rich interview data of how this governance affects millennials in the country. The theoretical chapters present a lengthy consideration of the debates around automation, millennials at work, and the government response to these challenges. Chapter One presents the theory of the flux society that has been created by the fourth industrial revolution due to the rise of algorithms and AI. Flux necessitates workers constantly engaging in skills upgrading, which generates anxiety and fear. A model of the Reviews 475
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