Esther Duflo和Abhijit V.Banerjee的《艰难时期的良好经济学》

IF 1 4区 经济学 Q3 BUSINESS, FINANCE
Ariel BenYishay
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在这种孤立的新冠肺炎存在期间,我们中的许多人都渴望有机会社交。但有一种社会体验是许多经济学家可能不会错过的:发现自己与一位非经济学家的熟人就一些公共政策措施或经济发展方向的预测发生了争论。为什么这种情况如此频繁?为什么调查显示经济学家非常不受欢迎,公众往往强烈不同意经济学家的观点——即使是在经济学家提供大量证据支持其理论的话题上?Abhijit Banerjee和Esther Duflo的新书《艰难时期的好经济学》从一个前提出发,即当经济学家如此不受欢迎和不信任,当他们的观点与许多其他人的观点(和生活经历)大相径庭时,就会出现问题。这本书的核心是一个针对经济学家自己的基本问题:我们哪里出了问题?一个主要线索是,大多数理论都是从几乎没有过渡成本的模型开始的;大多数人认为,人们可以无缝地跨行业和地区流动,找到最有回报的机会,并获得这些机会所需的新技能。Banerjee和Duflo从一开始就指出,这与事实不符:例如,考虑到实际工资的相对较大差异,移民太少了。生产要素——尤其是人类劳动力——比我们想象的(或应该的)要“粘性”得多。作者们继续辩称,这不仅仅是一个更符合数据的理论中缺少一个术语的问题。很少有经济学研究将尊严、自主性或目标感明确地视为人类选择的目标或结果,也很少有没有这些因素会导致沮丧和幻灭。将这些概念结合起来,可能会使经济学的许多方面得出截然不同的结论。正如Banerjee和Duflo所说,“将人类尊严恢复到其中心位置……”。。。引发了对经济优先事项和社会照顾其成员的方式的深刻反思,尤其是在他们需要帮助的时候”。本着这种精神,Banerjee和Duflo追随另一位诺贝尔发展经济学家Amartya Sen的脚步,他拓宽了我们对贫困和增长的理解,将人类的能力纳入其中。本书分为两部分:第一部分,作者提出了公众普遍持有的观点,与经济学家之间基于证据的共识形成对比。例如,种族主义危言耸听和过度依赖对劳动力需求的简单解释,错误地认为移民损害了当地人的经济前景,严重扭曲了人们对移民的普遍看法。相比之下,在熔岩吞没冰岛岛屿、苏联解除对移民到以色列的限制以及马里埃尔将古巴人抬到迈阿密等不同环境中进行的经济研究的证据几乎没有显示出对这些目的地类似技能的居民的负面影响。在本书的第二部分,作者转向了同样突出但经济学尚未达成真正共识的话题。他们深入讨论了碳税在遏制长期气候变化方面的作用背后的矛盾证据,增加对高收入者的税收可能如何改变收入的总体分配,以及如何提高政府在世界各地的合法性和受欢迎程度。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Good Economics for Hard Times By Esther Duflo and Abhijit V. Banerjee
During this isolated COVID-19 existence, many of us long for the chance to socialize. But there’s one social experience that many economists might not miss: finding oneself in an argument with a non-economist acquaintance about some public policy measure or predictions about where the economy is headed. Why does this happen so frequently? Why do surveys show that economists are quite unpopular and that the general public often strongly disagrees with economists’ views – even on topics where economists offer extensive evidence in support of their theories? The new book by Abhijit Banerjee and Esther Duflo, Good Economics for Hard Times, starts from the premise that there is something amiss when economists are so unpopular and distrusted, and when their perspectives diverge from so many other people’s views (and lived experiences). At the heart of the book is a basic question aimed at economists themselves: Where have we gone wrong? One major clue is that most theory begins from models with few transition costs; most assume people can seamlessly move across sectors and geographies to find their most rewarding opportunities and acquire the new skills needed for these opportunities. From the book’s outset, Banerjee and Duflo point out that this does not fit the facts: for example, if anything, migration is far too rare given the relatively large differences in real wages. The factors of production – particularly human labor – are far more ‘sticky’ than we think they are (or ought to be). The authors go on to argue that this is not simply a matter of a missing term in a theory that would better fit the data. Very few economics studies consider dignity, autonomy, or a sense of purpose explicitly as a goal or outcome for human choices – nor the frustration and disillusionment that result without these. Incorporating such concepts might lead much of economics to quite different conclusions. As Banerjee and Duflo argue, ‘restoring human dignity to its central place... sets off a profound rethinking of economic priorities and the ways in which societies care for their members, particularly when they are in need’. In this spirit, Banerjee and Duflo follow in the footsteps of another Nobel-winning development economist, Amartya Sen, who broadened our understanding of poverty and growth to incorporate human capabilities. The book is organized into two sections: in the first, the authors present widely held opinions of the general public that contrast the evidence-based consensus among economists. For example, popular views of immigration are heavily distorted by racist alarmism and overreliance on a simplistic interpretation of labor demand that wrongly suggests immigration hurts natives’ economic prospects. In contrast, evidence from economics studies in settings as diverse as lava-engulfed Icelandic islands, the lifting of the Soviet restrictions on migration to Israel, and the Mariel boatlift of Cubans to Miami has shown little in the way of negative impacts on similarly skilled residents at these destinations. In the second part of the book, the authors turn to topics that are equally as salient but for which economics does not yet have a real consensus. They insightfully discuss the contradictory evidence behind the role of carbon taxes in curbing long-term climate change, how increasing taxes on the top earners might change the overall distribution of income, and how to improve the legitimacy and popularity of government around the world.
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CiteScore
4.20
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