进攻中的自由:冷战后期的人权、民主促进和美国干预

IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
R. Pee
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在敷衍了事地处理了凯南作为政策制定者的角色后,Costigliola继续对凯南的思想和感受进行编目。凯南作为一名著名历史学家的出现,以及他为影响美国外交政策所做的持续努力(但通常都失败了),引起了一些关注。其他广泛的问题也促使凯南分享他作为一名杰出公共知识分子的观点——20世纪60年代的学生运动、民权、环境、移民到美国以及美国的社会结构。他的立场通常具有挑衅性,有时甚至令人愤慨。Costigliola毫不犹豫地指出凯南对犹太人和黑人的偏见甚至偏执。然而,最终,Costigliola证明了他对自己的主题相当宽容。凯南在后斯大林时代为寻求与苏联在冷战中达成和解所做的各种但基本上无效的努力赢得了Costigliola的支持。传记作者给予他的主体某种追溯性的赦免,尽管他这样做相当尴尬。Costigliola哀叹道,在他一生的大部分时间里,凯南“从未对自己的所作所为表示悔恨”,据称他帮助制定了遏制策略的要素。Costigliola似乎认为凯南应该进行更多的自我鞭笞和忏悔表达。在一份特别空洞的表格中,他断言,尽管凯南“在1944年至1948年的四年里一直在推动冷战,但他在随后的四十年里致力于摧毁他和其他人所做的一切。”这被评价为“一个不错的记录”(第424至425页)。Costigliola对此事的判断反映了他自己对冷战开始和进程的理解存在缺陷。凯南作为政策规划办公室主任的服务是他漫长生活中最值得优待的一个方面。想要了解原因的读者需要看看Costigliola的书之外的其他地方。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Freedom on the Offensive: Human Rights, Democracy Promotion, and US Interventionism in the Late Cold War by William Michael Schmidli
After a perfunctory treatment of Kennan’s role as a policymaker, Costigliola resumes his cataloging of Kennan’s thoughts and feelings. Kennan’s emergence as a notable historian, along with his continuing (but usually failed) efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy, earn some attention. So, too, do the wide range of other issues that spurred Kennan to share his views as a prominent public intellectual—the student movement of the 1960s, civil rights, the environment, immigration to the United States, and the social fabric of America. His positions were usually provocative and occasionally outrageous. Costigliola does not hold back in identifying Kennan’s prejudices and even bigotry toward Jews and blacks. Ultimately, though, Costigliola proves rather forgiving of his subject. Kennan’s various but largely ineffective efforts in the post-Stalin era to seek a settlement with the Soviet Union in the Cold War win Costigliola’s approval. The biographer grants his subject some kind of retrospective absolution, although he is rather awkward in doing so. Costigliola laments that for most of his life Kennan “never articulated remorse for what he had done” in supposedly helping to forge elements of the strategy of containment. Costigliola seems to believe that Kennan should have engaged in much more self-flagellation and expressions of contrition. In an especially vacuous tabulation, he asserts that although Kennan “had spent the four years from 1944 to 1948 promoting the Cold War, he devoted the subsequent forty to undoing what he and others had wrought.” This is appraised “as not a bad record” (pp. 424–425). Costigliola’s judgment on this matter reflects his own defective understanding of both the onset and the course of the Cold War. Kennan’s service as director of the Policy Planning Staff is the one aspect of his long life that most warrants favorable treatment. Readers who want to understand why will need to look somewhere other than Costigliola’s book.
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