俄语非指称性的形态句法、语境和词汇决定因素

IF 0.4 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
Angelina Rubina, Stanley Dubinsky
{"title":"俄语非指称性的形态句法、语境和词汇决定因素","authors":"Angelina Rubina, Stanley Dubinsky","doi":"10.1353/jsl.2022.0003","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:A body of previous research has established that DP structure of certain nominal expressions is optional in Russian, and that it correlates with referentiality (Longobardi 1994; Pereltsvaig 2006). This paper explores the optionality of DP projections in direct objects that are alternately marked with accusative (ACC) and genitive (GEN) case, claiming that the latter are not referential and lack a DP projection even though they are found in argument positions. Building on Longobardi's (1994) hypothesis that referentiality is encoded by DP, Pereltsvaig (2006) presents compelling evidence to show that the non-referentiality of some objects marked with non-canonical GEN is due to structure (i.e., the selection of small nominal QP complements) rather than case. Pereltsvaig (2006) shows that the apparent GEN case on bare NP non-referential objects of na-prefixed verbs is actually assigned by a null Q, with the object itself having ACC case. In this paper, we extend Pereltsvaig's account, showing that selection of non-referential QP objects can be induced by context, independently of any morphosyntactic restriction, such as compelled by a na- prefix. Here too the verbs assign ACC case to the overt or covert head of a complement QP. We also turn to lexically determined non-referentiality, such as with objects of weak intensional verbs like ždat′ 'wait for'. Non-referential objects of these verbs must also be QP projections. However, weak intensional verbs themselves turn out to assign GEN case to these non-referential QPs, in contrast with the two previous cases. We take up, in turn, the three different circumstances in which a non-referential \"small nominal\" (QP) might be introduced as an argument into the derivation: (i) morphosyntactically (objects of na-verbs), (ii) contextually (objects of non-na-verbs and non-agreeing subjects), and (iii) lexically (objects of weak intensional verbs).","PeriodicalId":52037,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","volume":"30 1","pages":"109 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4000,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Morphosyntactic, Contextual, and Lexical Determinants of Non-Referentiality in Russian\",\"authors\":\"Angelina Rubina, Stanley Dubinsky\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/jsl.2022.0003\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Abstract:A body of previous research has established that DP structure of certain nominal expressions is optional in Russian, and that it correlates with referentiality (Longobardi 1994; Pereltsvaig 2006). This paper explores the optionality of DP projections in direct objects that are alternately marked with accusative (ACC) and genitive (GEN) case, claiming that the latter are not referential and lack a DP projection even though they are found in argument positions. Building on Longobardi's (1994) hypothesis that referentiality is encoded by DP, Pereltsvaig (2006) presents compelling evidence to show that the non-referentiality of some objects marked with non-canonical GEN is due to structure (i.e., the selection of small nominal QP complements) rather than case. Pereltsvaig (2006) shows that the apparent GEN case on bare NP non-referential objects of na-prefixed verbs is actually assigned by a null Q, with the object itself having ACC case. In this paper, we extend Pereltsvaig's account, showing that selection of non-referential QP objects can be induced by context, independently of any morphosyntactic restriction, such as compelled by a na- prefix. Here too the verbs assign ACC case to the overt or covert head of a complement QP. We also turn to lexically determined non-referentiality, such as with objects of weak intensional verbs like ždat′ 'wait for'. Non-referential objects of these verbs must also be QP projections. However, weak intensional verbs themselves turn out to assign GEN case to these non-referential QPs, in contrast with the two previous cases. We take up, in turn, the three different circumstances in which a non-referential \\\"small nominal\\\" (QP) might be introduced as an argument into the derivation: (i) morphosyntactically (objects of na-verbs), (ii) contextually (objects of non-na-verbs and non-agreeing subjects), and (iii) lexically (objects of weak intensional verbs).\",\"PeriodicalId\":52037,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of Slavic Linguistics\",\"volume\":\"30 1\",\"pages\":\"109 - 144\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.4000,\"publicationDate\":\"2022-01-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of Slavic Linguistics\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2022.0003\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"0\",\"JCRName\":\"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Slavic Linguistics","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2022.0003","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要:已有大量研究表明,俄语中某些名词表达的DP结构是可选的,并且与指称性相关(Longobardi 1994;Pereltsvaig 2006)。本文探讨了直接对象中交替标记为宾格(ACC)和属格(GEN)的DP投影的可选择性,声称后者不是指称性的,即使它们存在于论证立场中,也缺乏DP投影。Pereltsvaig(2006)基于Longobardi(1994)关于参照性是由DP编码的假设,提出了令人信服的证据,表明一些标记为非规范GEN的对象的非参照性是由于结构(即选择小的标称QP补语)而不是情况。Pereltsvaig(2006)表明,na前缀动词的裸NP非指涉对象表面上的GEN格实际上是由一个空Q赋值的,对象本身具有ACC格。在本文中,我们扩展了Pereltsvaig的解释,表明非参考QP对象的选择可以由上下文诱导,独立于任何形态句法限制,例如由na前缀强制。在这里,动词也将ACC格指定为补语QP的显性或隐性词头。我们也求助于词汇决定的非指称性,比如像ždat ' 'wait for' '这样的弱意思动词的宾语。这些动词的非指称对象也必须是QP投射。然而,与前两种情况相反,弱意思动词本身将GEN格分配给这些非指称性qp。我们依次讨论了在三种不同的情况下,非指称性的“小名词性”(QP)可能作为论证引入推导:(i)形态句法上(na-动词的宾语),(ii)语境上(非na-动词和不一致主语的宾语),以及(iii)词汇上(弱意思动词的宾语)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Morphosyntactic, Contextual, and Lexical Determinants of Non-Referentiality in Russian
Abstract:A body of previous research has established that DP structure of certain nominal expressions is optional in Russian, and that it correlates with referentiality (Longobardi 1994; Pereltsvaig 2006). This paper explores the optionality of DP projections in direct objects that are alternately marked with accusative (ACC) and genitive (GEN) case, claiming that the latter are not referential and lack a DP projection even though they are found in argument positions. Building on Longobardi's (1994) hypothesis that referentiality is encoded by DP, Pereltsvaig (2006) presents compelling evidence to show that the non-referentiality of some objects marked with non-canonical GEN is due to structure (i.e., the selection of small nominal QP complements) rather than case. Pereltsvaig (2006) shows that the apparent GEN case on bare NP non-referential objects of na-prefixed verbs is actually assigned by a null Q, with the object itself having ACC case. In this paper, we extend Pereltsvaig's account, showing that selection of non-referential QP objects can be induced by context, independently of any morphosyntactic restriction, such as compelled by a na- prefix. Here too the verbs assign ACC case to the overt or covert head of a complement QP. We also turn to lexically determined non-referentiality, such as with objects of weak intensional verbs like ždat′ 'wait for'. Non-referential objects of these verbs must also be QP projections. However, weak intensional verbs themselves turn out to assign GEN case to these non-referential QPs, in contrast with the two previous cases. We take up, in turn, the three different circumstances in which a non-referential "small nominal" (QP) might be introduced as an argument into the derivation: (i) morphosyntactically (objects of na-verbs), (ii) contextually (objects of non-na-verbs and non-agreeing subjects), and (iii) lexically (objects of weak intensional verbs).
求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
Journal of Slavic Linguistics
Journal of Slavic Linguistics LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS-
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: Journal of Slavic Linguistics, or JSL, is the official journal of the Slavic Linguistics Society. JSL publishes research articles and book reviews that address the description and analysis of Slavic languages and that are of general interest to linguists. Published papers deal with any aspect of synchronic or diachronic Slavic linguistics – phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, or pragmatics – which raises substantive problems of broad theoretical concern or proposes significant descriptive generalizations. Comparative studies and formal analyses are also published. Different theoretical orientations are represented in the journal. One volume (two issues) is published per year, ca. 360 pp.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信