News framing through English-Chinese translation

courier services, and the billion-dollar industry of Philippine migration (p. 22). The ‘(im)mobile home’ lens, therefore, provides a vantage point to situate transnational family in the existing inequality of a neoliberal global economy from a broader sense. Cabalquinto’s work offers a good example of understanding the politics of (im)mobilities (Cresswell, 2006; Urry, 2007) in the context of transnational family life. Beyond the rich and emotionally laden stories presented in the book, this book foregrounds the conceptual entanglement of mobility and immobility through elucidating their contingent consequences (p. 186, Chapter 8). It is certainly true that ‘mediated/communicative mobility’ can be achieved more easily by the use of today’s mobile devices and platforms when compared to the ‘cheap calls’ era. Yet, these new forms of ‘social glue’ also contributes to immobilizing individuals’ situations in their transnational family lives from micro to macro levels, ranging from personal access to socio-technical resources to their socio-structural positionality in broader transnational social network. In this sense, this book concurs with the social shaping tradition of understanding technology (MacKenzie & Wajcman, 1999), which rejects a strong techno-determinist stance and highlights the co-constitution of technological engagement and the specific social-cultural contexts where the technology is consumed. Despite the specific focus on the Filipino context, this book certainly appeals to wider audiences concerned with the intersection of migration, transnational families, and digital media. Given the turbulence and uncertainties produced by Covid-19 crisis, the notion ‘(im)mobile home’ in this book is of particular relevance for those who are plagued by long-term familial separation, since anyone can become a transnational/translocal family member in this (im)mobile post-pandemic era.