反对“接触”

IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY
Steve Brown
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I limit my comments to a few topics below and, overall, take the position that archaeologists should avoid using generic terms for encounter, engagement, and interaction between Aboriginal Australian groups and ‘others’ (whether British, Afghan, Macassan, Torres Strait Islander, etc.), but rather develop language that is specific to each circumstance or situation and place. Much as a construct of pan-Aboriginality in Australia subsumes individual groups into the nation’s whole (and thus undermines Indigenous cultural distinctiveness), so ‘contact’ as used by archaeologists masks more than it reveals. The critique of the use of ‘contact’ outlined by the authors has much in common with that levelled at ‘shared history’. As historian Heather Goodall (2002) noted, the concept of ‘sharing histories’ was a key goal of the Reconciliation process. The process, in historian Maria Nugent’s (2020) words, ‘clung to the idea of history as a discrete and stable set of facts that could be enriched and expanded by simply adding hitherto excluded experiences and perspectives without fundamentally changing the existing narrative’. Indigenous perspectives, it seems, could be inserted into a prevailing national story and create ‘a unified, consensual account’ of the nation-state (Goodall 2002:9). Thus ‘invasion’ could be ‘nicely’ accommodated! McNiven and Russell (2005) critique the categorisation of the contact period as a ‘shared space’ because it denies the reality of much of Australia’s post-AD 1788 history in which Aboriginal people were imposed upon, coerced, and dispossessed. It is apparent from just these two critiques that the concept of shared history is deeply problematic because of the gloss it gives to histories of contestation, resistance, and ‘contact’. Does recasting the idea of ‘contact’ as a ‘twotiered approach’ – ‘cultural entanglements’ and ‘colonialism’ – move the framing and re-writing of Australian archaeology into a more historically accurate, pan-Australian space? I am not persuaded. On the positive side, the authors adeptly apply these ‘tiers’ in their readings of the Pianamu cultural landscape. They make a strong case for applying them to create understandings of the histories and complex power relations across the ‘waves’ of pastoralism, policing, and mining activities that swept over Kuuku I’yu Country. Nevertheless, I am not persuaded that the construct of ‘cultural entanglements’ brings us a lot further than ‘contact’ in incorporating histories of violent militaristic corporate Capitalism, the introduction of diseases, invasion and dispossession, forced child removal, incarceration and deaths in custody, adverse health impacts, intergenerational trauma, and the continuing processes of settler colonialism. And why should we confine the concept of entanglement to all things ‘cultural’? Surely encounter with Indigenous peoples also included the introduction of invasive species, profound impacts on – including extinctions of – native species, and the devastation of Indigenous land practices, including plant and animal cultivation and aquaculture, through land clearance and market-oriented open agriculture. Did I mention climate change? Such are the levels and degrees of impact on different Aboriginal groups that it seems impossible to capture them in terminology based on a single word or summary phrase. 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It is apparent from just these two critiques that the concept of shared history is deeply problematic because of the gloss it gives to histories of contestation, resistance, and ‘contact’. Does recasting the idea of ‘contact’ as a ‘twotiered approach’ – ‘cultural entanglements’ and ‘colonialism’ – move the framing and re-writing of Australian archaeology into a more historically accurate, pan-Australian space? I am not persuaded. On the positive side, the authors adeptly apply these ‘tiers’ in their readings of the Pianamu cultural landscape. They make a strong case for applying them to create understandings of the histories and complex power relations across the ‘waves’ of pastoralism, policing, and mining activities that swept over Kuuku I’yu Country. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

“接触”的使用是有问题的,部分原因是它经常以特权非土著声音的方式使用。用库克语来说,这是“从船上看,而不是从岸边看”。因此,土著人民生产的玻璃、陶瓷和金属工具等物品往往从技术和历史考古的角度进行解释,而这些物品在其土地上被“发现”的土著所有者和保管人通常不会对此进行评论。也就是说,有意识地或以其他方式使用“接触”,使定居者殖民主义和适当的文化权利永久化。我欢迎有机会参加关于“接触”一词和概念在澳大利亚考古学中的应用的辩论。我赞扬作者们在论坛上发表的文章,并从理论和实践两个方面对其进行了介绍。我的评论仅限于以下几个主题,总体而言,我的立场是,考古学家应避免使用通用术语来描述澳大利亚原住民群体与“其他人”(无论是英国人、阿富汗人、马卡桑人、托雷斯海峡岛民等)之间的相遇、接触和互动,而是开发针对每种情况、情况和地点的语言。正如澳大利亚的泛土著性结构将个体群体纳入国家整体(从而破坏了土著文化的独特性)一样,考古学家使用的“接触”掩盖了比揭示的更多的东西。作者概述的对“接触”使用的批评与针对“共同历史”的批评有很多共同之处。正如历史学家Heather Goodall(2002)所指出的,“分享历史”的概念是和解进程的一个关键目标。用历史学家玛丽亚·纽金特(Maria Nugent,2020)的话来说,这一过程“坚持历史是一组离散而稳定的事实,可以通过简单地添加迄今为止被排斥的经验和观点来丰富和扩展,而不从根本上改变现有的叙事”。土著观点似乎可以被插入一个流行的民族故事中,并创造一个对民族国家的“统一、一致的描述”(Goodall 2002:9)。因此,“入侵”可以“很好地”适应!McNiven和Russell(2005)批评了将接触期归类为“共享空间”的做法,因为它否认了澳大利亚公元1788年后的大部分历史中原住民被强加、胁迫和剥夺的现实。从这两种批评中可以明显看出,共享历史的概念存在很大问题,因为它为争论、抵抗和“接触”的历史增添了光彩。将“接触”的概念重塑为“两层方法”——“文化纠葛”和“殖民主义”——是否将澳大利亚考古学的框架和重写带入了一个更具历史准确性的泛澳大利亚空间?我没有被说服。从积极的方面来看,作者在阅读皮亚纳穆文化景观时熟练地应用了这些“层次”。它们有力地证明了应用它们来理解席卷Kuuku I'yu国家的畜牧业、治安和采矿活动的“浪潮”中的历史和复杂的权力关系。尽管如此,我并不相信“文化纠葛”的构建会给我们带来比“接触”更多的东西,包括暴力军国主义企业资本主义的历史、疾病的引入、入侵和剥夺、强迫儿童迁移、监禁和拘留期间的死亡、不利的健康影响、代际创伤、,以及定居者殖民主义的持续进程。为什么我们要把纠缠的概念局限于所有“文化”的东西?当然,与土著人民的接触还包括引入入侵物种,对土著物种产生深远影响,包括灭绝,以及通过土地清理和面向市场的开放农业破坏土著土地做法,包括动植物种植和水产养殖。我提到气候变化了吗?对不同原住民群体的影响程度和程度如此之大,似乎不可能用基于单个单词或总结短语的术语来捕捉它们。因此我的观点
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Against ‘contact’
The use of ‘contact’ is problematic, in part, because it is often applied in ways that privilege nonIndigenous voices. In Cookian terms, the view is ‘from the ship and not the shore’. Hence objects, such as glass, ceramic, and metal tools produced by Indigenous peoples, tend to be interpreted from technical and historical archaeological perspectives, typically without commentary by those Aboriginal owners and custodians on whose land such items are ‘discovered’. That is, ‘contact’ is used, consciously or otherwise, in ways that perpetuate settler colonialism and appropriate cultural rights. I welcome the opportunity to participate in the debate concerning the application of the term and concept of ‘contact’ in Australian archaeology. I commend the authors for their Forum piece and for its being informed by both theory and practice. I limit my comments to a few topics below and, overall, take the position that archaeologists should avoid using generic terms for encounter, engagement, and interaction between Aboriginal Australian groups and ‘others’ (whether British, Afghan, Macassan, Torres Strait Islander, etc.), but rather develop language that is specific to each circumstance or situation and place. Much as a construct of pan-Aboriginality in Australia subsumes individual groups into the nation’s whole (and thus undermines Indigenous cultural distinctiveness), so ‘contact’ as used by archaeologists masks more than it reveals. The critique of the use of ‘contact’ outlined by the authors has much in common with that levelled at ‘shared history’. As historian Heather Goodall (2002) noted, the concept of ‘sharing histories’ was a key goal of the Reconciliation process. The process, in historian Maria Nugent’s (2020) words, ‘clung to the idea of history as a discrete and stable set of facts that could be enriched and expanded by simply adding hitherto excluded experiences and perspectives without fundamentally changing the existing narrative’. Indigenous perspectives, it seems, could be inserted into a prevailing national story and create ‘a unified, consensual account’ of the nation-state (Goodall 2002:9). Thus ‘invasion’ could be ‘nicely’ accommodated! McNiven and Russell (2005) critique the categorisation of the contact period as a ‘shared space’ because it denies the reality of much of Australia’s post-AD 1788 history in which Aboriginal people were imposed upon, coerced, and dispossessed. It is apparent from just these two critiques that the concept of shared history is deeply problematic because of the gloss it gives to histories of contestation, resistance, and ‘contact’. Does recasting the idea of ‘contact’ as a ‘twotiered approach’ – ‘cultural entanglements’ and ‘colonialism’ – move the framing and re-writing of Australian archaeology into a more historically accurate, pan-Australian space? I am not persuaded. On the positive side, the authors adeptly apply these ‘tiers’ in their readings of the Pianamu cultural landscape. They make a strong case for applying them to create understandings of the histories and complex power relations across the ‘waves’ of pastoralism, policing, and mining activities that swept over Kuuku I’yu Country. Nevertheless, I am not persuaded that the construct of ‘cultural entanglements’ brings us a lot further than ‘contact’ in incorporating histories of violent militaristic corporate Capitalism, the introduction of diseases, invasion and dispossession, forced child removal, incarceration and deaths in custody, adverse health impacts, intergenerational trauma, and the continuing processes of settler colonialism. And why should we confine the concept of entanglement to all things ‘cultural’? Surely encounter with Indigenous peoples also included the introduction of invasive species, profound impacts on – including extinctions of – native species, and the devastation of Indigenous land practices, including plant and animal cultivation and aquaculture, through land clearance and market-oriented open agriculture. Did I mention climate change? Such are the levels and degrees of impact on different Aboriginal groups that it seems impossible to capture them in terminology based on a single word or summary phrase. Hence my view
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