中国的南亚政策

IF 0.7 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
K. Ramachandran
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引用次数: 1

摘要

1971年上半年,南亚出现了一些重大发展:独立的孟加拉人解放运动的出现,锡兰的Janata Vimukti Peramuna叛乱,以及Smt在选举中的压倒性胜利。甘地在印度。这些事态发展发生在中国共产党第九次代表大会作出决定后,中国开始在外交政策中实施重新激活的战术路线的时候。Bangla Desh的斗争和锡兰的JVP叛乱在未来一段时间内扰乱了南亚政治的平衡,无论这种平衡多么不稳定。反对巴基斯坦军政府的孟加拉德什运动正在发展成为一场游击运动。锡兰叛乱虽然目前被班达拉奈克夫人的联合阵线政府镇压,但决不能认为已经结束。它提出的问题尚未得到答复。它引起人们关注的国家问题可能需要数年时间才能解决。关于印度,可以说是赋予Smt的巨大授权。甘地充分证明,印度选民给了新一届国会领导层一个公平的机会,让他们在令人满意的政治稳定条件下执行宣布的方案。北京对这些事件的态度是什么?孟德斗争和锡兰叛乱——这两个意想不到的事态发展——无疑给北京的外交政策决策带来了难题;因为在北京自己的参照系中,这两次运动都可以被描述为“革命性的”,并对北京声称自己是世界革命的堡垒构成了严峻的考验。没有理由相信北京的决策者已经预见到这种情况会在锡兰或巴基斯坦发展。此外,虽然北京可能不会怀疑Smt的出现。甘地作为印度民族的领袖,在中期投票后,是否预料到新一届国会的压倒性胜利值得怀疑。这对北京来说可能和对印度国内外的大多数政治分析人士来说一样令人惊讶。北京发现,在选举后的局势中,很难向印度做出适当的姿态,以实现两国关系的正常化。1962年,两国关系在喜马拉雅山的山坡上冻结。正是在巴基斯坦、锡兰和印度的新发展背景下,本文分析了北京对南亚的政策。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
China’s South Asia Policy
T he first half of 1971 witnessed some significant developments in South Asia: the emergence of a liberation movement for an independent Bangla Desh, the Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP) insurgency in Ceylon and the landslide electoral victory of Smt. Gandhi in India. These developments came at a time when China, in the aftermath of the decisions taken at the Ninth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, had begun implementing a reactivated tactical line in foreign policy. The Bangla Desh struggle and the JVP insurgency in Ceylon have disturbed for some time to come, the equilibrium, however precarious it was in South Asian politics. The Bangla Desh movement against the Pakistani military junta is developing as a guerrilla movement. The Ceylon insurgency, although suppressed presently by the United Front Government of Mrs. Bandaranaike, can, by no means, be considered as over. The questions it raised have not been answered yet. The national problems that it brought into focus may take years to solve. As regards India, it may be said the massive mandate given to Smt. Gandhi amply demonstrated that the Indian electorate had given the leadership of the New Congress a fair chance for the implementation of the proclaimed programmes under conditions of agreeable political stability. What is Peking’s attitude to these events? The Bangla Desh struggle and the Ceylon insurgency—the two unexpected developments—have undoubtedly posed difficult problems of foreign policy decision-making in Peking; for both these movements could be described as ‘revolutionary’ in Peking’s own frame of reference, and constituted a severe test for Peking’s claim to be the citadel of a world revolution. There is no reason to believe that the decision-makers in Peking had visualized situations of this kind to develop either in Ceylon or in Pakistan. Also, while Peking might not have doubted the emergence of Smt. Gandhi as the leader of the Indian nation after the mid-term poll, it is doubtful whether it anticipated the landslide victory of the New Congress. It may have come as much a surprise to Peking as it was to a majority of the political analysts in India and abroad. Peking found it difficult to make appropriate gestures to India in the post-election situation towards normalization of relations between the two countries, which got frozen in the Himalayan slopes in 1962. It is against this background of new developments in Pakistan, Ceylon and India that Peking’s policy towards South Asia is analysed here.
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Strategic Analysis
Strategic Analysis INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS-
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