非洲历史上对鼠疫的反思(14 - 19世纪)

IF 0.3 Q3 AREA STUDIES
Gérard L. Chouin
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引用次数: 22

摘要

1347年,旧世界的西部和地中海地区首次爆发了一种致命疾病的回归,这种疾病的存在持续了几个世纪。今天被称为第二次瘟疫大流行——一种由鼠疫耶尔森菌引起的人畜共患病——它夺走了三分之一到一半的人口,而不考虑财富或地位。它深刻地改变了社会的方方面面,引发了恐惧、暴力和大屠杀,考验了宗教、等级制度和传统的灵活性,激发了雄心壮志。尽管鼠疫通常被描述为一场大流行,但关于最初的黑死病和该病多次复发的历史知识主要局限于西欧和地中海世界,那里的文化精英留下了令人印象深刻的文献记录,为鼠疫研究的长期繁荣的启发式传统提供了资源。正如Monica Green所建议的那样,如果要认真对待“大流行”的概念,我们就必须在瘟疫叙述中考虑到旧世界的许多被排除在外的地区,特别是非洲。我们必须认识到,这些没有实行“将语言缩减为图形形式”的社会——用杰克·古迪创造的说法——也可能经历瘟疫的残酷死亡及其激进的变革力量,而没有留下有组织的、具体的、持久的痕迹。推而广之,我们还必须认识到,所有拥有共同写作艺术的有文化的社会,并没有以同样的方式实践这门艺术,也可能没有产生相同类别的文献记录。文化差异影响了文献档案的性质,中世纪努比亚和埃塞俄比亚的文学实践说明了这一点。因此,鼠疫在文献记录中的不可见性或有限可见性对历史学家来说是一种挑战,也是一种变相的邀请,让他们接受证据的缺失作为证据的缺失。这篇论文是我试图抵制这种诱惑,挑战撒哈拉以南非洲历史研究中对鼠疫问题的兴趣缺失,并为一种多学科和比较的研究策略奠定基础。鼠疫问题不是非洲历史的一个注脚。如果鼠疫对非洲社会的影响与它对旧世界有记载的部分地区的影响一样,那么我们一定错过或误读了它所带来的基本变化过程。如果我们忽略了鼠疫的发生,我们还能理解和解释西欧或地中海的历史吗?在这里,我并没有解决撒哈拉以南非洲的瘟疫难题;相反,我是在其他撰稿人就19世纪前鼠疫在非洲不同地区的存在提出的有说服力的论点的基础上进行阐述的。我的目的是提出多重的、批判性的、累积性的——但远不是穷尽的——途径来阅读和重读非洲历史的传统和不那么传统的来源,根据与瘟疫有关的社会危机的可能性。除了展示证据的碎片,这篇论文还作为三篇开创性论文的介绍,探讨了非洲过去疾病的考古、文献和基因组来源。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Reflections on plague in African history (14th–19th c.)
In 1347, the western and Mediterranean parts of the Old World recorded the first outbreaks of a returning mortal disease that would make its presence felt over several centuries. Known today as the Second Plague Pandemic—a zoonosis due to the bacterium Yersinia pestis—it scythed between a third and half of the population without regard for wealth or status. It deeply transformed all facets of societies, ignited fears, violence, and pogroms, tested the flexibility of religions, hierarchies, and traditions, and excited ambitions. Although the plague is commonly described as a pandemic, historical knowledge about the initial Black Death and the many recurrent waves of the disease is largely restricted to Western Europe and the Mediterranean world, where the literate elite left an impressive documentary record that served as resource to the long-lasting and flourishing heuristic tradition of Plague Studies. If, as suggested by Monica Green, the concept of ‘pandemic’ is to be taken seriously, we must consider the many excluded parts of the Old World, and especially Africa, in our plague narratives. We must recognize that these societies that did not practise ‘the reduction of speech to graphic forms’—to use the expression coined by Jack Goody—also could have experienced the brutal mortality of the plague and its radical transformative power, while producing no organized and specific, long-lasting traces. By extension, we must also recognize that all literate societies that had in common the art of writing did not practise this art in the same way and may not have produced identical categories of documentary records. Cultural differences affect the nature of the documentary archive, as illustrated by literate practices in medieval Nubia and Ethiopia. The invisibility or limited visibility of the plague in the documentary record is, therefore, a challenge for historians and a disguised invitation to accept the absence of evidence as evidence of absence. This paper is my attempt to resist this temptation, to challenge the quasi-absence of interest in the plague problem in the historiography of Sub-Saharan Africa, and to lay out the foundation of a research strategy that will be multi-disciplinary and comparative. The plague problem is not a footnote to African history. If the plague impacted African societies as it did in documented parts of the Old World, we must have missed or misread fundamental processes of change it entailed. Would we understand and interpret the history of Western Europe or the Mediterranean as we do if we ignored that the plague had occurred? Here, I do not solve the plague conundrum in Sub-Saharan Africa; rather, I build on the persuasive arguments made by other contributors to this special issue about the presence of plague in different parts of Africa before the 19th century. My purpose is to propose multiple, critical, and cumulative—but far from exhaustive—pathways to reading and rereading the traditional and less traditional sources of African history in the light of the possibility of societal crises related to plague. Besides presenting fragments of evidence, this paper also serves as an introduction to three groundbreaking papers exploring the archaeological, documentary, and genomic sources of the disease in the African past.
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