Nakba和犹太复国主义者的民族国家之梦

IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
Alon Confino
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在具有历史意义的1948年,“梦”是犹太人表达情感的关键词。它描述了犹太人历史上从奥斯维辛到独立的不可思议的转折。Binyamin Etzioni在特拉维夫长大。他出生于1926年,18岁时加入了帕尔马奇(Palmach),这是哈加纳(Haganah)的精锐部队,是伊休夫(Yishuv, 1948年前巴勒斯坦的犹太社区)的主要民兵。1948年5月12日,就在英国人离开巴勒斯坦和以色列国宣布成立的前两天,他写道:“犹太人的独立——这毕竟是一个几乎无法理解的幻想,我们(在过去)只能在精神上体验到的东西……”《圣经》中的诗句一直在我耳边回响:“当耶和华使被掳的锡安人归回时,我们就像做梦一样。”这些古老的文字多么适合我们自己的时代啊!但是,犹太人政治独立的梦想与另一个梦想紧密相连——建立一个拥有更少巴勒斯坦人的犹太国家。1948年4月18日,参加过提比里亚战役的指挥官亚伯拉罕·里克林(abraham Riklin)在他的日记中描述了他在巴勒斯坦人被迫撤离后进入这座城市被遗弃的阿拉伯人居住区时的心情:“喜悦是巨大的。我简直不敢相信自己的眼睛。阿拉伯人逃离这座城市对我来说就像一场梦。所有(士兵)都有一种兴高采烈的感觉。我们应该认真对待犹太复国主义者的梦想,无论是民族独立的梦想,还是一个巴勒斯坦人更少的犹太国家的梦想。本文的论点是,在1936年至1947年之间,一个巴勒斯坦人较少的犹太国家的想法在主流犹太复国主义者的政治、社会和文化中扎根。这一想法在未来国家的制度计划、关于转移的讨论、定居点和安全实践中得到了阐述,最后但并非最不重要的是,在犹太复国主义的文化想象中,一个巴勒斯坦人较少的犹太国家就像犹太复国主义者呼吸的空气一样正常。我声称,对于主流犹太复国主义者来说,在种族清洗之前,暴力驱逐巴勒斯坦人是可以想象的,也是合法的;没有人知道在什么情况下会发生,但通过驱逐巴勒斯坦人来建立一个犹太人占多数的犹太国家似乎是必须的,可以想象的,也是合理的。把网撒得更广,本文对犹太复国主义和定居者殖民主义进行了论证:虽然犹太复国主义过去是(现在也是)一场定居者殖民运动,但它的历史贯穿着一种历史本质元素——偶然性。从犹太复国主义者早期的定居点到现在的定居点,没有预先确定的、直接的道路
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Nakba and the Zionist Dream of an Ethnonational State
Dream was a key word with which Jews expressed their sentiments in the historic year 1948. It described the improbable turn of events of Jewish history from Auschwitz to independence. Binyamin Etzioni grew up in Tel Aviv. Born in 1926, he was eighteen when he joined the Palmach, the elite troops of the Haganah, the primary militia in the Yishuv (the Jewish community in pre-1948 Palestine). On 12 May 1948, just two days before the British departure from Palestine and the declaration of the State of Israel, he wrote: ‘Independence for Jews – this is after all a visionary idea that is almost ungraspable, something we could experience [in the past] only spiritually. . . All the time the Biblical verse echoes in my ears: “When the Lord turned again the captivity of Zion, we were like unto dreamers”. How suitable are these ancient words to our own time’. But this dream of Jewish political independence was tied up with another dream – that of the Jewish state with fewer Palestinians. Avraham Riklin, a commander who fought in the battle of Tiberias, described in his diary on 18 April 1948 his emotion as he entered the city’s deserted Arab quarter following the forced departure of the Palestinians: ‘The joy was enormous. I could not believe my eyes. The fleeing of the Arabs from the city seemed to me like a dream. There was a sense of elation among all [the soldiers]’. We should take Zionist dreams seriously, both the dream of national independence and that of a Jewish state with fewer Palestinians. The argument of this paper is that between 1936 and 1947 the idea of a Jewish state with fewer Palestinians took root politically, socially, and culturally among mainstream Zionists. This idea was articulated in institutional plans for a future state, in discourse about transfer, in settlement and security practices, and last but not least in a Zionist cultural imagination that made a Jewish state with fewer Palestinians as normal as the air Zionists breathed. For mainstream Zionists, I claim, the violent removal of Palestinians was imaginable and legitimate before the ethnic cleansing; under what circumstances it would take place no one knew, but creating a Jewish state with a robust Jewish majority by removing Palestinians seemed obligatory, conceivable, and justifiable. Casting the net wider, this essay makes an argument about Zionism and settler colonialism: that while Zionism was (and is) a settler colonial movement, its history is shot through with an element that is the essence of history – contingency. There was no predetermined, direct way from Zionist early settlement to the
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来源期刊
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期刊介绍: Since its launch in 1976, History Workshop Journal has become one of the world"s leading historical journals. Through incisive scholarship and imaginative presentation it brings past and present into dialogue, engaging readers inside and outside universities. HWJ publishes a wide variety of essays, reports and reviews, ranging from literary to economic subjects, local history to geopolitical analyses. Clarity of style, challenging argument and creative use of visual sources are especially valued.
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