{"title":"模糊性在哪里?英国南部英语交互发音变化中的形态学效应","authors":"Patrycja Strycharczuk, J. Scobbie","doi":"10.5334/LABPHON.24","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The fronting of the high-back, /u:/ and /U/, as currently seen in Southern British \nEnglish, is a rare opportunity to study two similar sound changes at different stages of \ntheir phonetic development: /u:/-fronting is a more advanced change than /U/-fronting. \nSince the fronting in both vowels is restricted from applying before a following final /l/, \ne.g. in words like fool or pull, we can exploit the difference in the phonetic advance- \nment of /u:/ and /U/-fronting to illuminate the nature of `fuzzy contrasts', affecting \nvowel+/l/ sequences in morphologically complex words. As recent results show that \n/u:/-fronting is partially limited in fool-ing (but not in monomorphemes like hula), we \nask whether similar morphological constraints affect /U/ followed by /l/ (e.g. bully vs. \npull-ing). Simultaneously, we consider the question of what phonological generalisation \nbest captures the interaction between vowel fronting, /l/-darkening, and morphological \nstructure. We present ultrasound data from 20 speakers of SBE representing two age \ngroups. The data show that morphologically conditioned contrasts are consistent for \n/u:/+/l/, but variable and limited in size for /U/+/l/. We relate these findings to \nthe debate on morphology-phonetics interactions and the emergence of phonological \nabstraction.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":"8 1","pages":"1-21"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3000,"publicationDate":"2017-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"29","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Whence the fuzziness? Morphological effects in interacting sound changes in Southern British English\",\"authors\":\"Patrycja Strycharczuk, J. Scobbie\",\"doi\":\"10.5334/LABPHON.24\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The fronting of the high-back, /u:/ and /U/, as currently seen in Southern British \\nEnglish, is a rare opportunity to study two similar sound changes at different stages of \\ntheir phonetic development: /u:/-fronting is a more advanced change than /U/-fronting. \\nSince the fronting in both vowels is restricted from applying before a following final /l/, \\ne.g. in words like fool or pull, we can exploit the difference in the phonetic advance- \\nment of /u:/ and /U/-fronting to illuminate the nature of `fuzzy contrasts', affecting \\nvowel+/l/ sequences in morphologically complex words. As recent results show that \\n/u:/-fronting is partially limited in fool-ing (but not in monomorphemes like hula), we \\nask whether similar morphological constraints affect /U/ followed by /l/ (e.g. bully vs. \\npull-ing). Simultaneously, we consider the question of what phonological generalisation \\nbest captures the interaction between vowel fronting, /l/-darkening, and morphological \\nstructure. We present ultrasound data from 20 speakers of SBE representing two age \\ngroups. The data show that morphologically conditioned contrasts are consistent for \\n/u:/+/l/, but variable and limited in size for /U/+/l/. We relate these findings to \\nthe debate on morphology-phonetics interactions and the emergence of phonological \\nabstraction.\",\"PeriodicalId\":45128,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Laboratory Phonology\",\"volume\":\"8 1\",\"pages\":\"1-21\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":1.3000,\"publicationDate\":\"2017-04-05\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"29\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Laboratory Phonology\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"98\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.5334/LABPHON.24\",\"RegionNum\":2,\"RegionCategory\":\"文学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"0\",\"JCRName\":\"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Laboratory Phonology","FirstCategoryId":"98","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5334/LABPHON.24","RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
Whence the fuzziness? Morphological effects in interacting sound changes in Southern British English
The fronting of the high-back, /u:/ and /U/, as currently seen in Southern British
English, is a rare opportunity to study two similar sound changes at different stages of
their phonetic development: /u:/-fronting is a more advanced change than /U/-fronting.
Since the fronting in both vowels is restricted from applying before a following final /l/,
e.g. in words like fool or pull, we can exploit the difference in the phonetic advance-
ment of /u:/ and /U/-fronting to illuminate the nature of `fuzzy contrasts', affecting
vowel+/l/ sequences in morphologically complex words. As recent results show that
/u:/-fronting is partially limited in fool-ing (but not in monomorphemes like hula), we
ask whether similar morphological constraints affect /U/ followed by /l/ (e.g. bully vs.
pull-ing). Simultaneously, we consider the question of what phonological generalisation
best captures the interaction between vowel fronting, /l/-darkening, and morphological
structure. We present ultrasound data from 20 speakers of SBE representing two age
groups. The data show that morphologically conditioned contrasts are consistent for
/u:/+/l/, but variable and limited in size for /U/+/l/. We relate these findings to
the debate on morphology-phonetics interactions and the emergence of phonological
abstraction.