中国人的观看方式与露天绘画

IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY
Xiaoxiao Li
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To another radical thinker Yin Haiguang, Hu Shi had become an instrument of power-holders and his relationship with political power was always ambiguous. Yet, for Hu Shi himself, he made a wise choice by maintaining his stature as an enlightenment thinker, a fighter for the ideal of freedom and a compromiser who refused to break with the government. Despite the magazine’s enthusiastic engagement with Hu Shi, Huconsistently turnedhis back tokeep adistance from thepolitical radicals’ temerity. Culturally, however, Hu Shi was still an iconoclastic even after he moved to Taiwan, and his assertion that theChinese tradition “does not contain the spiritual values conducive tomodern science” (229) offended the apologists ofChinese culture inTaiwan. Based on his steadfast defense of the liberal, anti-traditional legacy of the May Fourth Movement, Hu Shi challenged Chiang Kai-shek in Taiwan, insisting that the May Fourth iconoclasm was appropriate and Chinese “liberalism” should not be accountable for the rise of Communism, as Chiang denigrated. And Chapter 6 of the book focuses on the divergent interpretation of the meaning of the May Fourth in the 1950s’ Hong Kong and Taiwan. A timely and valuable addition to the burgeoning field of Hu Shi studies, the book successfully delineates the multiple facets of Hu Shi: the ideological origins of his liberal thinking, his political choice in early Republic partisan politics, and his enmeshed and troubled relationship with the Chiang Kai-shek administration in Taiwan. 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引用次数: 1

摘要

对胡的真实态度:蒋不止一次地发泄他对胡的愤怒和蔑视,诋毁他是一个无耻的、操纵欲强的“流氓政客”,是美国的走狗,想要金钱、地位和声望。然而,胡适并没有坚持到底,而是在政治压力下放弃了对蒋介石贪图权力的抵抗。黄再次指出了胡适的矛盾心理,一方面是他自由、反专制的一面,另一方面是他焦虑、妥协的个性。胡适模棱两可的立场和“保守自由主义者”的身份在《文明》杂志事件中遇到了另一个挑战。在《文明》杂志事件中,激进的自由主义知识分子、直言不讳地批评蒋介石的雷震被捕入狱。在另一位激进思想家尹海光看来,胡适已经成为权贵们的工具,他与政治权力的关系一直模糊不清。然而,对于胡适本人来说,他做出了一个明智的选择,他保持了自己作为启蒙思想家、自由理想斗士和拒绝与政府决裂的妥协者的地位。尽管该杂志对胡适热情有加,但胡适始终对政治激进分子的鲁莽保持距离。然而,在文化上,胡适即使在移居台湾后仍然是一个反传统者,他断言中国传统“不包含有利于现代科学的精神价值”(229)冒犯了台湾的中国文化辩护者。基于他对五四运动的自由主义和反传统遗产的坚定捍卫,胡适在台湾挑战蒋介石,坚持认为五四的偶像破坏是适当的,中国的“自由主义”不应该为共产主义的崛起负责,正如蒋介石所诋毁的那样。第六章着重讨论了上世纪50年代香港和台湾对五四意义的不同解读。这本书是对胡适研究领域及时而有价值的补充,它成功地描绘了胡适的多个方面:他自由主义思想的意识形态起源,他在民国早期党派政治中的政治选择,以及他与台湾蒋介石政府纠缠不清的关系。这本书揭示了胡适的复杂形象,他有着矛盾的个人抱负,想要成为自由民主价值观的推动者,五四进步主义的捍卫者,以及对威权政权忠诚但持批评态度的部长。假设所有这些角色确实把胡适置于一个“困难的境地”(建新初景艱)(390)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Chinese Ways of Seeing and Open-Air painting
genuine attitude towards Hu: Chiang more than once vented his anger and disdain towards Hu, denigrating him as a shameless, manipulative “rogue politician” (wulai zhengke無賴政客) and lackey of America (334–37) who wanted money, position, and prestige (p.319). However, instead of following through, Hu Shi gave up his resistance to Chiang’s coveting of power under political pressures, and Huang once again points out Hu’s ambivalence between his liberal, antiauthoritarian side and his anxiety-ridden and compromising personality. Hu Shi’s ambiguous position and identity as a “conservative liberal” met another challenge in theWenxingMagazine incident inwhich Lei Zhen, a radical liberal intellectual and outspoken critic of Chiang Kai-shek, was arrested and jailed. To another radical thinker Yin Haiguang, Hu Shi had become an instrument of power-holders and his relationship with political power was always ambiguous. Yet, for Hu Shi himself, he made a wise choice by maintaining his stature as an enlightenment thinker, a fighter for the ideal of freedom and a compromiser who refused to break with the government. Despite the magazine’s enthusiastic engagement with Hu Shi, Huconsistently turnedhis back tokeep adistance from thepolitical radicals’ temerity. Culturally, however, Hu Shi was still an iconoclastic even after he moved to Taiwan, and his assertion that theChinese tradition “does not contain the spiritual values conducive tomodern science” (229) offended the apologists ofChinese culture inTaiwan. Based on his steadfast defense of the liberal, anti-traditional legacy of the May Fourth Movement, Hu Shi challenged Chiang Kai-shek in Taiwan, insisting that the May Fourth iconoclasm was appropriate and Chinese “liberalism” should not be accountable for the rise of Communism, as Chiang denigrated. And Chapter 6 of the book focuses on the divergent interpretation of the meaning of the May Fourth in the 1950s’ Hong Kong and Taiwan. A timely and valuable addition to the burgeoning field of Hu Shi studies, the book successfully delineates the multiple facets of Hu Shi: the ideological origins of his liberal thinking, his political choice in early Republic partisan politics, and his enmeshed and troubled relationship with the Chiang Kai-shek administration in Taiwan. The book unravels this mixed image of Hu Shi as a person who harboured ambivalent personal ambitions to be a promoter of liberal democratic values, a defender of May Fourth progressivism, and a loyal yet critical minister to an authoritarian regime. Assuming all these personas indeed put Hu Shi in a “difficult situation” ( jianxin chujing艱辛處境) (390).
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
8
期刊介绍: The Chinese Historical Review is a fully refereed and vigorously edited journal of history and social sciences that is published biannually. The journal publishes original research on the history of China in every period, China''s historical relations with the world, the historical experiences of the overseas Chinese, as well as comparative and transnational studies of history and social sciences. Its Forum section features interviews with leading scholars on issues concerning history and the historical profession. Its Book Reviews section introduces recent historical scholarship published in English, Chinese, and other languages. The journal is published on behalf of The Chinese Historians in the United States, Inc. (CHUS), which was established in 1987 and is an affiliated society of The American Historical Association (AHA) and The Association for Asian Studies (AAS). The journal began its publication in 1987 under the title Historian. In 1989 it was registered with the Library of Congress and began its publication as a refereed journal of history under the title Chinese Historians. It adopted the current title in 2004.
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