乌克兰危机在日本国内政治话语中的作用

IF 0.1 Q4 AREA STUDIES
V. Nelidov
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引用次数: 1

摘要

乌克兰危机于2022年2月进入活跃阶段,导致俄罗斯与许多国家的关系崩溃,日本也不例外。日本政府对俄罗斯的行为表达了强烈批评,并加入了反俄制裁,与其他亚洲国家相比,这可能是最积极的。这使得日本政府对-à-vis俄罗斯采取这种做法的原因成为一个特别及时的问题。在俄罗斯,有一种普遍的观点认为,东京的这种立场主要是由于美国的压力造成的。然而,这种观点似乎过于简单化了。本文试图分析日本外交政策制定过程中各参与者对乌克兰事态发展的立场。它表明,尽管所有主要政党,不论其政治倾向如何,都对俄罗斯联邦的行动采取批评立场,但它们的声明显示出一些细微差别,反映出它们的意识形态优先次序。例如,执政的自民党强调与美国团结一致;它的执政伙伴公明党强调人道主义方面和联合国的作用;革新党批评政府优柔寡断,主张积极的军事政策,左翼民粹主义政党“令和新人组”为了向选民表明原则性立场,甚至拒绝支持相关决议案。确实有一些观点可以说是对俄罗斯的道歉。但是,持这种观点的人只是少数,很难改变政府或日本国民的整体立场。在这个问题上几乎达成了共识,主要政治力量立场上的细微差别是无关紧要的。人们有理由认为,在任何可能的国内政治形势下,东京都不会改变其在此事上的政策。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Ukrainian crisis in Japan’s domestic political discourse
The Ukrainian crisis, which came into its active phase in February 2022, led to the collapse of Russia’s relations with many countries, and Japan was no exception. The Japanese government expressed strong criticism of Russia’s actions and joined the anti-Russian sanctions with, probably, most vigor, compared to any other Asian nation. This makes the question about the reasons for such course pursued by Tokyo vis-à-vis Russia a particularly timely one. In Russia, there is a widespread opinion that such position held by Tokyo is caused mostly by pressure from the United States. Yet such view seems to be a gross simplification. This article attempts to analyze the positions of various participants of the Japanese foreign policy making process about the events unfolding in Ukraine. It shows that, even though all key parties, irrespective of their political orientation, take a critical stance towards the actions of the Russian Federation, their statements show some nuances reflecting their ideological priorities. For example, the ruling LDP emphasizes solidarity with the US; its junior coalition partner, Komeito, stresses humanitarian aspects and the role of the UN; the Japan Innovation Party criticizes the government for indecisiveness and calls for more active military policy, while the left-wing populist Reiwa Shinsengumi even refused to support the relevant Diet resolution to demonstrate its principled stance to the voters. There are indeed opinions which can arguably be called apologetic towards Russia. However, those holding such opinions are but a minority and are hardly able to alter the position of the government or the Japanese public as a whole. There is a virtual consensus about the issue, and nuances in the positions of major political forces are inconsequential. One would be justified to assume that, under any probable domestic political situation, Tokyo will not change its policy about the matter.
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