{"title":"学术上的种族隔离:种族和美国郊区失败的犯罪化","authors":"Jasmine L. Whiteside, M. Gast","doi":"10.1177/00943061231191421j","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"in three different regions (Bosnia Herzegovina=Islam; Croatia=Western; Macedonia, now Macedonia/North-Macedonia=Orthodox). I would also have liked to see a map of these regions here. Nonetheless, the chapter concludes that overall transnationalism is and continues to be regionally structured. It segues into Chapter Four, which addresses why regionalism occurs. Chapter Four tests for various contexts that may affect a region, such as culture, economy, technology, and political, legal, and geographic contexts. The chapter is more technical and methodheavy than the rest of the book. It concludes that geographic proximity is the strongest explanation for transnational human activity’s clustering within world regions and that political, economic, and cultural factors play a much weaker role. These patterns hold for both transnational human mobility and communication. I enjoyed Chapter Five, the final content chapter, the most. Here, Deutschmann grapples with two central questions. First, are the patterns of transnational human activity observed in Chapters Three and Four unique to human activity; and second, will space and distance matter, or will their role vanish as predicted by many social scientists? Using Lévy flight, a mathematical model that shows that mobility is most likely to occur over short distances as opposed to long distances, across species, Mapping the Transnational World shows that humans, just like sharks, tend to be more likely to move across short distances and thus regionally. What is more, the chapter shows that geography does matter and continues to shape patterns of human activity across the globe. And while it has certainly become easier to overcome distances, this—as Mapping the Transnational World argues—does not mean that transnational human activity has become more global. Instead, Deutschmann asks us to think of what is typically considered globalization as mobilization. Mapping the Transnational World is a timely and important read. I appreciated the way Deutschmann describes the data used and analyzed in a way that is easily understandable even for a reader who may not have a heavy quantitative background. In fact, with its counterintuitive yet wellsubstantiated findings, the book invites the reader to engage with its core questions and themes. For instance, as someone who communicates regularly with family and friends across continents and nation-state borders, I found myself wondering whether an inclusion of recent popular communications applications, such as WhatsApp, would in any way affect the patterns observed by Deutschmann. I can envision Mapping the Transnational World being of interest to scholars and students of globalization, migration, global culture, and international relations.","PeriodicalId":46889,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Sociology-A Journal of Reviews","volume":"52 1","pages":"433 - 435"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Academic Apartheid: Race and the Criminalization of Failure in an American Suburb\",\"authors\":\"Jasmine L. Whiteside, M. Gast\",\"doi\":\"10.1177/00943061231191421j\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"in three different regions (Bosnia Herzegovina=Islam; Croatia=Western; Macedonia, now Macedonia/North-Macedonia=Orthodox). I would also have liked to see a map of these regions here. Nonetheless, the chapter concludes that overall transnationalism is and continues to be regionally structured. It segues into Chapter Four, which addresses why regionalism occurs. Chapter Four tests for various contexts that may affect a region, such as culture, economy, technology, and political, legal, and geographic contexts. The chapter is more technical and methodheavy than the rest of the book. It concludes that geographic proximity is the strongest explanation for transnational human activity’s clustering within world regions and that political, economic, and cultural factors play a much weaker role. These patterns hold for both transnational human mobility and communication. I enjoyed Chapter Five, the final content chapter, the most. Here, Deutschmann grapples with two central questions. First, are the patterns of transnational human activity observed in Chapters Three and Four unique to human activity; and second, will space and distance matter, or will their role vanish as predicted by many social scientists? Using Lévy flight, a mathematical model that shows that mobility is most likely to occur over short distances as opposed to long distances, across species, Mapping the Transnational World shows that humans, just like sharks, tend to be more likely to move across short distances and thus regionally. What is more, the chapter shows that geography does matter and continues to shape patterns of human activity across the globe. And while it has certainly become easier to overcome distances, this—as Mapping the Transnational World argues—does not mean that transnational human activity has become more global. Instead, Deutschmann asks us to think of what is typically considered globalization as mobilization. Mapping the Transnational World is a timely and important read. I appreciated the way Deutschmann describes the data used and analyzed in a way that is easily understandable even for a reader who may not have a heavy quantitative background. In fact, with its counterintuitive yet wellsubstantiated findings, the book invites the reader to engage with its core questions and themes. For instance, as someone who communicates regularly with family and friends across continents and nation-state borders, I found myself wondering whether an inclusion of recent popular communications applications, such as WhatsApp, would in any way affect the patterns observed by Deutschmann. I can envision Mapping the Transnational World being of interest to scholars and students of globalization, migration, global culture, and international relations.\",\"PeriodicalId\":46889,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Contemporary Sociology-A Journal of Reviews\",\"volume\":\"52 1\",\"pages\":\"433 - 435\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.3000,\"publicationDate\":\"2023-08-24\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Contemporary Sociology-A Journal of Reviews\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"90\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1177/00943061231191421j\",\"RegionNum\":4,\"RegionCategory\":\"社会学\",\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q4\",\"JCRName\":\"SOCIOLOGY\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Contemporary Sociology-A Journal of Reviews","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00943061231191421j","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"SOCIOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
Academic Apartheid: Race and the Criminalization of Failure in an American Suburb
in three different regions (Bosnia Herzegovina=Islam; Croatia=Western; Macedonia, now Macedonia/North-Macedonia=Orthodox). I would also have liked to see a map of these regions here. Nonetheless, the chapter concludes that overall transnationalism is and continues to be regionally structured. It segues into Chapter Four, which addresses why regionalism occurs. Chapter Four tests for various contexts that may affect a region, such as culture, economy, technology, and political, legal, and geographic contexts. The chapter is more technical and methodheavy than the rest of the book. It concludes that geographic proximity is the strongest explanation for transnational human activity’s clustering within world regions and that political, economic, and cultural factors play a much weaker role. These patterns hold for both transnational human mobility and communication. I enjoyed Chapter Five, the final content chapter, the most. Here, Deutschmann grapples with two central questions. First, are the patterns of transnational human activity observed in Chapters Three and Four unique to human activity; and second, will space and distance matter, or will their role vanish as predicted by many social scientists? Using Lévy flight, a mathematical model that shows that mobility is most likely to occur over short distances as opposed to long distances, across species, Mapping the Transnational World shows that humans, just like sharks, tend to be more likely to move across short distances and thus regionally. What is more, the chapter shows that geography does matter and continues to shape patterns of human activity across the globe. And while it has certainly become easier to overcome distances, this—as Mapping the Transnational World argues—does not mean that transnational human activity has become more global. Instead, Deutschmann asks us to think of what is typically considered globalization as mobilization. Mapping the Transnational World is a timely and important read. I appreciated the way Deutschmann describes the data used and analyzed in a way that is easily understandable even for a reader who may not have a heavy quantitative background. In fact, with its counterintuitive yet wellsubstantiated findings, the book invites the reader to engage with its core questions and themes. For instance, as someone who communicates regularly with family and friends across continents and nation-state borders, I found myself wondering whether an inclusion of recent popular communications applications, such as WhatsApp, would in any way affect the patterns observed by Deutschmann. I can envision Mapping the Transnational World being of interest to scholars and students of globalization, migration, global culture, and international relations.