使它们相似或无害。《自由秩序、美国与民主的困境》,Gabriele Natalizia著,Carocci编辑,2021年,意大利罗马,168页,20,00英镑

IF 1.7 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE
P. Baldelli
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引用次数: 1

摘要

特朗普政府的4年是一个试金石,因为过去几年已经发生的动态已经明显表现出来。事实上,在特朗普任期内,美国的战略姿态发生了明确的重新定位,与修正主义大国展开了新一轮的大国竞争。俄罗斯联邦(RF)和中华人民共和国(PRC)等修正主义大国愿意破坏所谓的自由国际秩序(LIO)。此外,它们构成的专制挑战因此与全世界民主政权总数的逐渐减少联系在一起。这一趋势被定义为对美国领导的国际组织主要支柱之一的重大挑战,该组织的支柱是遍布国际舞台的大量民主国家。另一方面,全球民主足迹据称遭受了来自LIO内部更严重的挑战,即特朗普在2016年赢得总统大选后实施的外交政策。民族主义、孤立主义、经济保护主义等词汇充斥着特朗普政府的国际立场。正是由于这一事实,许多评论员称赞特朗普的任期是对LIO的最后一击,由于其主要赞助商美国声称不再愿意维持它,LIO已经在走下坡路。因此,预期的结果是全球民主控制的全面下降,由于上述两个原因,这种情况注定要结束。一是威权主义修正主义大国在国际舞台上崛起;二是美国不再发挥其在全球传播民主价值观的关键作用。相反,新当选的约瑟夫•拜登(Joseph Biden)总统领导的民主政府被许多分析人士誉为美国在国际事务中回归更为正统的做法;自第二次世界大战以来,美国一直扮演着同样的角色。根据这一解释,拜登的总统任期可能会回归更传统的自由国际主义路线。因此,与特朗普总统不同,人们认为,美国新政府将通过加强以价值观为导向的议程,致力于对抗修正主义挑战者的崛起,以扭转民主主义衰落的趋势。根据这一解释,美国作为国际货币基金组织的主要架构师,在履行其全球职责方面摇摆不定的承诺,应该根据每位美国总统的个人偏好来审视,这些偏好受其自身政治和文化背景以及选举他的相关选区的影响。Gabriele Natalizia的这本书的优点是,通过提出一个基于理论和经验检验的工作,创新地挑战了这种信念,该工作考虑了民主促进和撤退的不同阶段,由LIO的霸权和主要建筑师美国赞助。这本书的功劳在于揭穿了一种假设,即美国国内政治格局和美国总统的个人偏好在其中起着重要作用
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Renderli simili o inoffensivi. L'ordine liberale, gli Stati Uniti e il dilemma della democrazia By Gabriele Natalizia, Carocci editore, 2021, Rome, Italy, 168 pp., £ 20,00
The 4 years of the Trump administration have represented a litmus test as dynamics that have already been underway over the past few years have manifested blatantly. In fact, during the Trump tenure, there has been a definitive reorientation of the American strategic posture which has embarked into the renewed great power competition against revisionist powers. These revisionist powers such as the Russian Federation (RF) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) are willing to disarticulate the so-called Liberal International Order (LIO). Moreover, the authoritarian challenge they pose has thus been linked with a gradual decrease of the overall number of democratic regimes throughout the world. This trend has been defined as a crucial challenge towards one of the main pillars of the LIO led by the US, which is the high quota of democratic countries that populate the international arena. On the other hand, the global democratic footprint has allegedly suffered an even more serious challenge from within the LIO, namely the foreign policy carried out after the Trump presidential election win in 2016. Terms like nationalism, isolationism and economic protectionism have crowded Trump administration’s international stance. It is due to this fact that many commentators hailed the Trump tenure as the final blow to the LIO which was already in decline given that its main sponsor, the US, claimed to no longer be willing to sustain it. The expected outcome was thus the overall decrease of the global democratic grip that was fatally destined to end because of the two abovementioned reasons. Firstly, the rise of authoritarian revisionist great powers in the international stage and secondly, the withdrawal of the US from its pivotal role in spreading democratic values worldwide. Conversely, the newly elected democratic administration of President Joseph Biden has been hailed by many analysts as the return of the US to a more orthodox approach in international affairs; the same role prevalently played since World War II. According to this interpretation, the Biden presidency will likely feature a return to a more traditional liberal internationalist course. Hence, unlike President Trump, the new American administration is thought to be committed to the global struggle against the rise of revisionist challengers by reinforcing a values-oriented agenda that aims to reverse the democracy decreasing trend. Following this explanation, the US’s swinging commitment to their global duties as the main architect of the LIO should be examined according to the individual preferences of each American president, affected by his own political and cultural background and the related constituency which elected him. Gabriele Natalizia’s volume has the merit to innovatively challenge this belief by presenting a theory-rooted and empirically tested work that takes into consideration both the alternative phases of democracy promotion and retreat, sponsored by the hegemonic and main architect of the LIO, the US. This volume has the credit to debunk the assumption that the American domestic political landscape and the individual preferences of the American presidents play a
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