抗议的代价

Tanya M. Monforte
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引用次数: 0

摘要

许多自由民主国家目前正在通过建立合法的安全框架来瓦解深度民主的基础。安全例外的扩大,将少数精英的私有财产利益置于促进民主问责的人权(如集会自由和言论自由)之上,加速了这种反民主倾向。立法指定的“关键基础设施”使某些经济部门免受抗议。保障经济正常运转的安全例外,有效地使化石燃料行业免受由于依赖现状而带来的民主政治压力。化石燃料成为抗议者的目标,并被指定为关键基础设施,正是因为经济依赖于它们。使用极端罚款使不服从的公民丧失行为能力,作为减轻风险的手段,有利于财产所有者的利益,而不利于北美绝大多数年轻群体(往往是土著)的利益。本文描绘了美国和加拿大对抗议活动采取更严厉经济惩罚的趋势,并认为向抗议者极端罚款的过渡部分依赖于抗议活动所涉及的犯罪类别的增加,这可能会使受制裁人员的数量成倍增加。收稿日期:2022年7月12日收稿日期:2023年4月17日
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The price of protest
Many liberal democracies are presently dismantling the foundations of deep democracy through the construction of a juridified security framework. The expansion of security exceptions that privilege private property interests of a small elite above the human rights that promote democratic accountability such as the freedom of assembly and the freedom of expression has accelerated this anti-democratic tilt. The legislative designation of «critical infrastructure» insulates certain sectors of the economy from protests. Security exceptions that safeguard the normal functioning of the economy effectively insulate the fossil fuel sector from democratic political pressure due to status quo dependency. Fossil fuels are targeted by protester and designated as critical infrastructure precisely because economies are dependent on them. The use of extreme fines to incapacitate disobedient citizens as risk mitigation favors the interests of property holders against the interests of groups that are overwhelmingly young and often Indigenous in North America. This paper maps out a tendency towards harsher economic penalties for protest in the U.S. and Canada and argues that the transition to extreme fines for protesters relies in part on the ramping up of the category of (the kind) of crime protest falls into which could potentially expand the number of sanctioned persons exponentially.Received: 12 July 2022 Accepted: 17 April 2023
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