公共政策和数字截止日期:西孟加拉邦数字可寻址系统(DAS)的实施

IF 1.4 Q2 COMMUNICATION
S. Pandit
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引用次数: 2

摘要

强制性数字可寻址系统(DAS)在印度不同省份实行严格的分阶段截止日期,迫使我们不仅重新考虑电视设备本身,而且重新考虑广播政策、电视工业、内容和接收。从1975年的卫星教学电视实验(SITE)项目开始,到最近的印度唯一身份识别机构(UIDAI)或Aadhaar项目和数字印度运动,DAS的引入可以放在一系列类似的公共政策中,所有这些都被纳入福利国家的发展修辞中。DAS的推出为探索政府、新自由主义市场和数字技术之间的关系提供了一个场所,强调了构成现代性的矛盾,并投资于对中央集权干预的新自由主义文化场所的研究。在这个概念框架内,本文将把西孟加拉邦作为一个恰当的案例来关注强制性DAS的实施,这既是一个体现新自由主义发展承诺的霸权项目的场所,也是其中固有的不协调。虽然联邦政府声称,任何有线电视服务提供商如果没有在截止日期内切换到数字信号,将受到处罚并没收设备,但邦政府表示,如果在有线数字化截止日期后模拟有线信号被切断,他们将发起抗议,因此,截止日期被延长了几个月。西孟加拉邦围绕电缆数字化的对抗提供了一个探索的场所,与现代国家希望设想的完全自动化的数字治理生态系统的典型形象相反,它以何种方式充满了内部矛盾。我的调查跨越了一系列话语位置和语域,旨在探索各种地方利益相关者在这一政策实施中以何种方式进行谈判?DAS如何帮助理论化市场、数字技术和发展中的现代之间不断变化的关系?在提出这些问题的同时,本文将尝试探索DAS如何在公共政策的技术文化修辞的历史轨迹中定位,以及它如何投资于印度广播政治经济的转变。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Public policy and the digital deadline: The implementation of the Digital Addressable System (DAS) in West Bengal
The introduction of the mandatory Digital Addressable System (DAS) with strict, phase-wise deadlines for different provinces within India has compelled us to reconsider not only the television apparatus itself but also broadcast policies, television industry, content and reception. The introduction of DAS can be posited within a series of similar public policies starting from the Satellite Instructional Television Experiment (SITE) project in 1975 to the more recent Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) or Aadhaar project and Digital India campaign, all folded into the developmental rhetoric of the welfare state. The rollout of DAS provides the site to explore the relationship between the government, neo-liberal market and digital technologies that underscores the contradictions which are constitutive of modernity, and invests in the study of the neo-liberal cultural sites of statist intervention. Within this conceptual framework, this article would focus on West Bengal as a case in point to read the implementation of mandatory DAS both as a site of hegemonic projects embodying promises of neo-liberal development and of the incongruities that are inherent in them. While the union government claimed that any cable television service provider who does not switch to digital signal within deadline can be penalized and the equipment confiscated, the state Government said that they would launch an agitation if analogue cable signals were blacked out after the deadline for cable digitalization and thus, the deadline was extended for several months. The confrontation over cable digitalization in West Bengal offers a site to explore in what way, contrary to its typical image of a fully automated digital ecosystem of governance, as the modern states would like to conceive, it is loaded with internal contradiction. My inquiry moves across a range of discursive locations and registers, aiming to explore in what way various local stakeholders negotiate in this policy implementation? How does DAS help theorization of a changing relationship between the market, digital technology and the developmental modern? While raising these questions, this article would try to explore in what way DAS can be located within the historical trajectory of techno-cultural rhetoric of public policy and how it invests in the shifting political economy of broadcasting in India.
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