修复殖民危害的呼吁:缅因州二百周年纪念是真理、承认、抵抗和治愈的机会

Erika Arthur, Penthea Burns
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Using interviews, case studies, and literature reviews, this article proposes a set of questions that researchers, policymakers, advocates, and others can ask ourselves about our roles in processes of decolonization. the domination of non-Christian people. Like colonization in general, this may seem to some like ancient history; however, the 1823 US Supreme Court ruling Johnson v. M’Intosh codified the Doctrine of Discovery, laid the foundation for federal Indian Law, and forms the basis of court rulings to the present day (Newcomb 2008: xii). The tribal nations of the Northeast felt the most destructive blows of the Doctrine of Discovery in the seventeenth century. This phase of colonization was preceded by more piecemeal contact, mostly with traders and mariners, and turned out to be unimaginably devastating. These earlier encounters were responsible for the introduction of European diseases, which wiped out entire peoples such as the Penacooks of the region around what is now York, Maine (Rolde 2004: 83). The epidemics reached their apex between 1616 and 1619. So while the Native nations of the Northeast resisted the forces of war and colonization mightily, they were doing so on the heels of what would come to be known as the Great Dying, a pandemic across tribal nations that killed as much as 90 percent of the population of coastal New England (Mann 2006: 90). A horrific, world-altering, and disorienting loss to the Wabanaki and Wampanoag peoples was understood and even celebrated by English settlers as further proof that their mission was ordained by God. Settlers capitalized on the opportunity provided to them by this devastation and in many instances carried out what can only be called a campaign of genocide against Indigenous peoples. The next two centuries were woven with betrayals, broken treaties, violence, and the usurping of tribal lands. As France and England competed for control of the territories of the Northeast, Wabanaki peoples navigated the ongoing wars and struggled to maintain their homelands as colonization increasingly threatened their ways of life. In 1644, the Massachusetts Bay Colony passed legislation that outlawed Native spiritual practices. As the settler population grew and resource extraction intensified, leaders like Chief Polin of the Presumpscot River recognized the grave threat that colonial relationships to the land and water had for his people and nonhuman relations. For instance, the damming of the rivers throughout what would become the state of Maine had devastating effects on Indian fishing practices, which were based on the belief that the people belonged to the river, rather than the other way around (Brooks and Brooks 2010). In 1755, the colonial government issued a proclamation that offered money in exchange for the scalps of Penobscot men, women, and children (Rolde 2004). The proclamation can be read as an order to kill and brutalize Penobscot people to clear the way for English control of land and resources in the region. Throughout this period, numerous treaties were signed between the settler government and the Wabanaki. They were almost uniformly ignored or left unenforced. By 1803, there were only 347 Penobscots left, from 10,000 prior to European arrival (Penawahpskewi Indian Nation).3 Three decades later, just after statehood, Maine sold 100,000 acres of Penobscot land, reducing their land base to less than 5,000 acres. The Doctrine of Discovery was taking on its American form, Manifest Destiny. Alongside the theft of land, the theft of children is a tool of colonization that has had shattering effects on Indian communities. This practice took a particularly insidious form in the Indian residential schools, which first opened in the late 1800s and carried out their mission to “kill the Indian, save the man” through the mid-twentieth century. Wabanaki children were sent to such schools in both the United States and Canada. Passamaquoddy teacher, storyteller, and language scholar Roger Paul recalls that as a child he was moved from family member to family member following the death of his mother, to avoid being sent to Shubenacadie, one such school in Nova Scotia, where his older siblings had suffered (Paul 2020). Thousands of children were taken out of their tribal communities, forced to give up their identities, cultural practices, and languages, and abused emotionally, physically, and sexually. Many children died in the boarding schools. 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Settlers capitalized on the opportunity provided to them by this devastation and in many instances carried out what can only be called a campaign of genocide against Indigenous peoples. The next two centuries were woven with betrayals, broken treaties, violence, and the usurping of tribal lands. As France and England competed for control of the territories of the Northeast, Wabanaki peoples navigated the ongoing wars and struggled to maintain their homelands as colonization increasingly threatened their ways of life. In 1644, the Massachusetts Bay Colony passed legislation that outlawed Native spiritual practices. As the settler population grew and resource extraction intensified, leaders like Chief Polin of the Presumpscot River recognized the grave threat that colonial relationships to the land and water had for his people and nonhuman relations. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

作者考察了缅因州的殖民历史和现状,以认识到该州的200周年纪念对所有居住在这里的人来说可能并不意味着同样的事情。他们探讨了定居者殖民主义对瓦巴纳基人及其后代的影响,并认识到殖民主义在我们的法律、结构、政策和世界观中存在的方式。然而,在今天的缅因州,已经有了这样的例子,即这段历史和现在所需要的全面的、由土著主导的参与、治疗和倡导,比如缅因州-瓦巴纳基REACH的工作。然而,这一时刻要求我们当中更多的人将我们的血统追溯到定居者,致力于这些进程。通过访谈、案例研究和文献综述,本文提出了一系列问题,供研究人员、政策制定者、倡导者和其他人询问我们在非殖民化过程中的角色。非基督徒的统治就像殖民一般,这看起来像是古代的历史;然而,1823年美国最高法院对Johnson v. M 'Intosh的裁决将发现原则编纂成法律,为联邦印第安法律奠定了基础,并形成了至今法院裁决的基础(Newcomb 2008: xii)。东北部的部落国家在17世纪受到了发现原则最具破坏性的打击。在这一阶段的殖民之前,有更多零碎的接触,主要是与商人和水手接触,结果是难以想象的破坏性。这些早期的接触导致了欧洲疾病的传入,这些疾病消灭了整个民族,例如现在缅因州约克周围地区的佩纳库克人(Rolde 2004: 83)。瘟疫在1616年至1619年间达到顶峰。因此,当东北部的土著民族强烈抵制战争和殖民势力时,他们是在后来被称为“大死亡”的流行病之后这样做的,这场流行病在部落国家之间蔓延,导致新英格兰沿海地区90%的人口死亡(Mann 2006: 90)。对瓦巴纳基人和万帕诺亚格人来说,这一可怕的、改变世界的、迷失方向的损失,被英国定居者理解,甚至庆祝为他们的使命是上帝命定的进一步证据。定居者利用这种破坏给他们提供的机会,在许多情况下对土著人民进行了只能称为种族灭绝的运动。接下来的两个世纪充满了背叛、破坏条约、暴力和对部落土地的篡夺。当法国和英国争夺对东北地区的控制权时,瓦巴纳基人在持续不断的战争中航行,并在殖民日益威胁他们生活方式的情况下努力维护他们的家园。1644年,马萨诸塞湾殖民地通过了一项立法,宣布土著宗教活动为非法。随着移民人口的增长和资源开采的加剧,像普斯考特河的波林酋长这样的领导人认识到,对土地和水的殖民关系对他的人民和非人类关系造成了严重威胁。例如,在整个后来成为缅因州的河流上筑坝对印第安人的捕鱼行为造成了毁灭性的影响,这种捕鱼行为是基于人们属于河流的信念,而不是相反(Brooks and Brooks 2010)。1755年,殖民政府发布了一份公告,提供金钱以换取佩诺布斯科特男人、女人和儿童的头皮(罗尔德2004)。该公告可以被解读为杀害和残酷对待佩诺布斯科特人的命令,以便为英国控制该地区的土地和资源扫清道路。在此期间,定居者政府和瓦巴纳基人签署了许多条约。它们几乎无一例外地被忽视或置之不理。到1803年,Penawahpskewi印第安民族(Penawahpskewi Indian Nation)的人口从欧洲人到来之前的10,000人减少到仅剩347人三十年后,就在缅因州刚刚成为一个州的时候,缅因州出售了10万英亩的佩诺布斯科特土地,将他们的土地基地减少到不到5000英亩。发现学说呈现出美国的形式,即天定命运。除了掠夺土地,掠夺儿童也是殖民主义的一种手段,对印度社区造成了毁灭性的影响。这种做法以一种特别阴险的形式出现在印第安人寄宿学校中,这些学校于19世纪末首次开办,并在20世纪中期履行其“杀死印第安人,拯救人类”的使命。Wabanaki的孩子被送往美国和加拿大的这类学校。Passamaquoddy老师、讲故事者和语言学者罗杰·保罗(Roger Paul)回忆说,小时候,他的母亲去世后,为了避免被送到新斯科舍省的舒本纳卡迪(Shubenacadie)这样的学校,他的哥哥姐姐们在那里遭受了苦难,他就从一个家庭成员转移到另一个家庭成员。 成千上万的儿童被带离自己的部落社区,被迫放弃自己的身份、文化习俗和语言,并在情感、身体和性方面受到虐待。许多孩子死在寄宿学校里。那些幸存下来的人经历了今天在他们之后的几代人中回响的创伤. ...当东北的土著民族抵抗战争和殖民势力时……他们是在后来被称为“大灭绝....”的事件之后做的《缅因政策评论》,第29卷,第2期
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
A Call for Repairing the Harms of Colonization: Maine’s Bicentennial as an Opportunity for Truth, Acknowledgment, Resistance, and Healing
The authors examine the colonized history and present of Maine to recognize that the state’s bicentennial may not mean the same thing to all who live here. They explore the impact of settler colonialism on Wabanaki people and settler descendants and recognize the ways colonization lives in our laws, structures, policies, and worldview. And yet, in Maine today, there are already examples of the holistic, indigenous-led engagement, healing, and advocacy that this history and present call for, such as the work of Maine-Wabanaki REACH. However, this moment asks for many more of us who trace our lineages to settlers to commit to these processes. Using interviews, case studies, and literature reviews, this article proposes a set of questions that researchers, policymakers, advocates, and others can ask ourselves about our roles in processes of decolonization. the domination of non-Christian people. Like colonization in general, this may seem to some like ancient history; however, the 1823 US Supreme Court ruling Johnson v. M’Intosh codified the Doctrine of Discovery, laid the foundation for federal Indian Law, and forms the basis of court rulings to the present day (Newcomb 2008: xii). The tribal nations of the Northeast felt the most destructive blows of the Doctrine of Discovery in the seventeenth century. This phase of colonization was preceded by more piecemeal contact, mostly with traders and mariners, and turned out to be unimaginably devastating. These earlier encounters were responsible for the introduction of European diseases, which wiped out entire peoples such as the Penacooks of the region around what is now York, Maine (Rolde 2004: 83). The epidemics reached their apex between 1616 and 1619. So while the Native nations of the Northeast resisted the forces of war and colonization mightily, they were doing so on the heels of what would come to be known as the Great Dying, a pandemic across tribal nations that killed as much as 90 percent of the population of coastal New England (Mann 2006: 90). A horrific, world-altering, and disorienting loss to the Wabanaki and Wampanoag peoples was understood and even celebrated by English settlers as further proof that their mission was ordained by God. Settlers capitalized on the opportunity provided to them by this devastation and in many instances carried out what can only be called a campaign of genocide against Indigenous peoples. The next two centuries were woven with betrayals, broken treaties, violence, and the usurping of tribal lands. As France and England competed for control of the territories of the Northeast, Wabanaki peoples navigated the ongoing wars and struggled to maintain their homelands as colonization increasingly threatened their ways of life. In 1644, the Massachusetts Bay Colony passed legislation that outlawed Native spiritual practices. As the settler population grew and resource extraction intensified, leaders like Chief Polin of the Presumpscot River recognized the grave threat that colonial relationships to the land and water had for his people and nonhuman relations. For instance, the damming of the rivers throughout what would become the state of Maine had devastating effects on Indian fishing practices, which were based on the belief that the people belonged to the river, rather than the other way around (Brooks and Brooks 2010). In 1755, the colonial government issued a proclamation that offered money in exchange for the scalps of Penobscot men, women, and children (Rolde 2004). The proclamation can be read as an order to kill and brutalize Penobscot people to clear the way for English control of land and resources in the region. Throughout this period, numerous treaties were signed between the settler government and the Wabanaki. They were almost uniformly ignored or left unenforced. By 1803, there were only 347 Penobscots left, from 10,000 prior to European arrival (Penawahpskewi Indian Nation).3 Three decades later, just after statehood, Maine sold 100,000 acres of Penobscot land, reducing their land base to less than 5,000 acres. The Doctrine of Discovery was taking on its American form, Manifest Destiny. Alongside the theft of land, the theft of children is a tool of colonization that has had shattering effects on Indian communities. This practice took a particularly insidious form in the Indian residential schools, which first opened in the late 1800s and carried out their mission to “kill the Indian, save the man” through the mid-twentieth century. Wabanaki children were sent to such schools in both the United States and Canada. Passamaquoddy teacher, storyteller, and language scholar Roger Paul recalls that as a child he was moved from family member to family member following the death of his mother, to avoid being sent to Shubenacadie, one such school in Nova Scotia, where his older siblings had suffered (Paul 2020). Thousands of children were taken out of their tribal communities, forced to give up their identities, cultural practices, and languages, and abused emotionally, physically, and sexually. Many children died in the boarding schools. Those who survived experienced trauma that reverberates today in the generations that have come after them. ...while the Native nations of the Northeast resisted the forces of war and colonization...they were doing so on the heels of what would come to be known as the Great Dying.... MAINE POLICY REVIEW • Vol. 29, No. 2 • 2020 18 HARMS OF COLONIZATION
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