未经授权的爱:混血夫妇协商亲密,移民和国家

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY
J. Cook
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In Chapter Three, López’s descriptive analysis focuses on agency and constraints to agency, showing that even the most strategic approach can result in an unfavorable outcome for families positioned disadvantageously vis-à-vis the immigration system. Faring especially poorly in the process are those of lower socio-economic status, and those with preexisting immigration enforcement histories (e.g., previous unauthorized border crossings and deportations). Chapter Four shows that mixed-citizenship families face restricted spatial mobility within the U.S. and transnationally. This restricted mobility inhibits the family’s ability to fully engage in family life. For example, a U.S. citizen spouse and their children wishing to live together as a family with a noncitizen spouse may be compelled to live outside the United States when the noncitizen is denied legal status or while awaiting a decision on a family reunification application. Contrary to the assertion by the Supreme Court in Kerry v. Din that U.S. citizen family members can simply ‘‘visit’’ noncitizen members denied legal immigrant status, López’s interviewees show that the family reunification process forces a choice between country and family. As one of López’s interviewees pointed out, ‘‘being able to live together ‘somewhere’ was not the same as being able to live together in their country of choice’’ (p. 84). The unauthorized families López interviewed report feeling ‘‘trapped.’’ But the borders that confine their movements are invisible to anyone not initiated into the world of unauthorized life. Unauthorized families avoid travel outside of the city or state where they live. International travel and travel by plane are also off limits. They must also avoid areas unsafe for noncitizens (i.e., international border regions); and, as most of López’s unauthorized interviewees are of Mexican or Central American origin, they may also feel compelled to avoid predominantly white areas (where people of color face increased racialized visibility and surveillance). Ultimately, these forms of ‘‘spatial disintegration’’ result in the erasure of noncitizen family members from family life, both on a daily basis and over the long term. The experiences of ‘‘authorized families’’ (those who successfully pursue legal status through family reunification), especially those of economic means, diverge starkly from those of the unauthorized families in López’s research. Legal status for both spouses grants the ability to ‘‘be able to be in the country of our choosing together at the same time,’’ (p. 102) and these families are able to enjoy the benefits of dual-membership and transnational life in two countries. Chapter Five describes the barriers to unauthorized families’ structural integration in the realms of education, access to economic resources, and access to key bureaucracies. Lack of access to the higher wages and benefits associated with the legal labor market, as well as lack of access to credit and social welfare programs, are forms of formal exclusion that present significant challenges for unauthorized families, and which often have implications for the family reunification process itself. One couple described in the book, Ramses and Angelica, for instance, depended entirely on Ramses’s (an unauthorized immigrant) income to support their family. 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The unauthorized families López interviewed report feeling ‘‘trapped.’’ But the borders that confine their movements are invisible to anyone not initiated into the world of unauthorized life. Unauthorized families avoid travel outside of the city or state where they live. International travel and travel by plane are also off limits. They must also avoid areas unsafe for noncitizens (i.e., international border regions); and, as most of López’s unauthorized interviewees are of Mexican or Central American origin, they may also feel compelled to avoid predominantly white areas (where people of color face increased racialized visibility and surveillance). Ultimately, these forms of ‘‘spatial disintegration’’ result in the erasure of noncitizen family members from family life, both on a daily basis and over the long term. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

在《未经授权的爱:混血夫妇协商亲密关系、移民和国家》一书中,简·莉莉López讲述了“家庭团聚”的经历——这是美国公民为其非公民配偶申请获得合法移民身份的法律程序。这本书的中心焦点是如何夫妻与不同的法律定位visà-vis移民制度经历家庭团聚的过程。这本书的大部分使用定性访谈数据来描述López研究中的混合身份家庭如何在家庭团聚过程中导航,以及这个过程如何塑造家庭生活。在第三章中,López的描述性分析侧重于代理和对代理的约束,表明即使是最具战略性的方法也会导致对-à-vis移民系统处于不利地位的家庭的不利结果。在这一过程中,那些社会经济地位较低的人,以及那些先前有过移民执法历史的人(例如,以前未经授权的越境和驱逐出境)的情况尤其糟糕。第四章表明,混合国籍家庭在美国国内和国际上面临着有限的空间流动性。这种受限的流动性阻碍了家庭充分参与家庭生活的能力。例如,美国公民配偶及其子女希望与非公民配偶作为家庭生活在一起,如果非公民的合法身份被拒绝或在等待对家庭团聚申请的决定时,可能会被迫在美国境外生活。与最高法院在Kerry v. Din案中的主张相反,美国公民家庭成员可以简单地“探望”被剥夺合法移民身份的非公民成员,López的受访者表明,家庭团聚过程迫使人们在国家和家庭之间做出选择。正如López的一位受访者所指出的那样,“能够在‘某处’共同生活与能够在他们选择的国家共同生活是不一样的”(第84页)。被采访的非法家庭López表示,他们感觉“被困住了”。但是,那些限制他们行动的边界,对于那些没有进入未经授权的生活世界的人来说,是看不见的。未经授权的家庭避免离开他们居住的城市或州。国际旅行和乘飞机旅行也被禁止。他们还必须避开对非公民不安全的地区(即国际边境地区);而且,由于López的大多数未经授权的受访者都是墨西哥或中美洲裔,他们也可能被迫避开以白人为主的地区(在那里,有色人种面临着越来越多的种族化能见度和监视)。最终,这些形式的“空间解体”导致非公民家庭成员从家庭生活中被抹去,无论是日常生活还是长期生活。在López的研究中,“合法家庭”(那些通过家庭团聚成功获得合法身份的家庭)的经历,特别是那些有经济手段的家庭的经历,与“非法家庭”的经历截然不同。配偶双方的法律地位使他们能够“同时在我们所选择的国家生活”(第102页),这些家庭能够享受双重成员身份和在两个国家的跨国生活的好处。第五章描述了在教育、获得经济资源和进入关键官僚机构等领域中,未经授权的家庭进行结构性整合的障碍。无法获得与合法劳动力市场相关的较高工资和福利,以及无法获得信贷和社会福利计划,这些都是正式排斥的形式,给非法家庭带来了重大挑战,并往往对家庭团聚过程本身产生影响。例如,书中描述的一对夫妇,拉美西斯和安吉莉卡,完全依靠拉美西斯(非法移民)的收入来养家。安吉莉卡选择不工作是为了减轻家庭的税收负担;拉美西斯的456篇评论
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Unauthorized Love: Mixed-Citizenship Couples Negotiating Intimacy, Immigration, and the State
In Unauthorized Love: Mixed-Citizenship Couples Negotiating Intimacy, Immigration, and the State, Jane Lilly López addresses the experience of navigating ‘‘family reunification’’—the legal process through which U.S. citizens can petition for their noncitizen spouses to obtain legal immigrant status. The central focus of the book is how couples with different legal positioning visà-vis the immigration system experience the family reunification process. Most of the book uses qualitative interview data to describe how the mixed-status families in López’s study navigate the family reunification process, and how the process shapes family life. In Chapter Three, López’s descriptive analysis focuses on agency and constraints to agency, showing that even the most strategic approach can result in an unfavorable outcome for families positioned disadvantageously vis-à-vis the immigration system. Faring especially poorly in the process are those of lower socio-economic status, and those with preexisting immigration enforcement histories (e.g., previous unauthorized border crossings and deportations). Chapter Four shows that mixed-citizenship families face restricted spatial mobility within the U.S. and transnationally. This restricted mobility inhibits the family’s ability to fully engage in family life. For example, a U.S. citizen spouse and their children wishing to live together as a family with a noncitizen spouse may be compelled to live outside the United States when the noncitizen is denied legal status or while awaiting a decision on a family reunification application. Contrary to the assertion by the Supreme Court in Kerry v. Din that U.S. citizen family members can simply ‘‘visit’’ noncitizen members denied legal immigrant status, López’s interviewees show that the family reunification process forces a choice between country and family. As one of López’s interviewees pointed out, ‘‘being able to live together ‘somewhere’ was not the same as being able to live together in their country of choice’’ (p. 84). The unauthorized families López interviewed report feeling ‘‘trapped.’’ But the borders that confine their movements are invisible to anyone not initiated into the world of unauthorized life. Unauthorized families avoid travel outside of the city or state where they live. International travel and travel by plane are also off limits. They must also avoid areas unsafe for noncitizens (i.e., international border regions); and, as most of López’s unauthorized interviewees are of Mexican or Central American origin, they may also feel compelled to avoid predominantly white areas (where people of color face increased racialized visibility and surveillance). Ultimately, these forms of ‘‘spatial disintegration’’ result in the erasure of noncitizen family members from family life, both on a daily basis and over the long term. The experiences of ‘‘authorized families’’ (those who successfully pursue legal status through family reunification), especially those of economic means, diverge starkly from those of the unauthorized families in López’s research. Legal status for both spouses grants the ability to ‘‘be able to be in the country of our choosing together at the same time,’’ (p. 102) and these families are able to enjoy the benefits of dual-membership and transnational life in two countries. Chapter Five describes the barriers to unauthorized families’ structural integration in the realms of education, access to economic resources, and access to key bureaucracies. Lack of access to the higher wages and benefits associated with the legal labor market, as well as lack of access to credit and social welfare programs, are forms of formal exclusion that present significant challenges for unauthorized families, and which often have implications for the family reunification process itself. One couple described in the book, Ramses and Angelica, for instance, depended entirely on Ramses’s (an unauthorized immigrant) income to support their family. Angelica chose not to work in order to reduce their family’s tax burden; Ramses’s 456 Reviews
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