风险城市:灾难资本主义的物理和财政性质

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY
K. Tierney
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在瑞士,双性人应该对自己被分配的性别有发言权。他们对莫尼的断言提出了异议,莫尼认为到两岁时就需要进行性别分配和社会化。此外,埃德尔追溯了20世纪50年代至70年代教科书中知识的发展,以记录霍普金斯大学的研究传播得多么广泛。在这些教科书中,我们开始看到科学界的裂痕,因为一些研究人员在20世纪60年代回到了对性别分配决定的生物学解释。到了20世纪60年代,莫尼关于治疗双性人的建议被广泛接受,性别“有了自己的生命”(第195页),被包括女权主义者、社会科学家和跨性别医疗保健在内的各种利益相关者所接受。第七章追溯了这些不同的认知群体,以及他们如何运用性别。本书向读者介绍了罗伯特·斯托勒,他于1962年在加州大学洛杉矶分校性别认同研究诊所工作,并提出了“性别认同”一词,与性别角色截然不同。虽然Stoller的团队对使用手术干预持谨慎态度,但霍普金斯大学将手术干预作为双性人医疗管理的主要工具。与此同时,到了20世纪60年代末和70年代,Money关于性别角色可塑性的观点被女权主义者采纳,她们主张,如果性别是后天习得的,那么它也可以被拆除。《诊所如何制造性别》杂乱而复杂,它提供了性别分类的谱系,以及治疗双性人的主流理论和治疗方案之间的矛盾。正如埃德尔所展示的,既不是生物决定论,也不是文化还原论,使约翰霍普金斯大学的团队能够发展出性别的概念,而是两者之间的反馈循环。此外,埃德尔的研究表明,自从威尔金斯早期提出“性别”,并在约翰·莫尼和汉普森夫妇的作品中出现以来,“性别”从来都不是一个直截了当的概念。正如埃德尔所言,性别中立或价值观无关紧要。相反,《诊所如何制造性别》尖锐地提醒我们,科学家和医学专业人士是由社会和文化规范、他们工作的环境和他们建立的关系塑造的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Risky Cities: The Physical and Fiscal Nature of Disaster Capitalism
in Switzerland thought intersex individuals should have a say in which sex they were assigned. They disputed Money’s assertion that by the age of 2 sex assignment and socialization needed to occur. Moreover, Eder traces the development of knowledge in textbooks between the 1950s and 1970s to document how widely the Hopkins research circulated. In these textbooks, we begin to see fractures in the scientific community as some researchers in the 1960s returned to biological explanations for sex assignment determinations. By the 1960s, Money’s recommendations for the treatment of intersex individuals were widely embraced, and gender ‘‘took on a life of its own’’ (p. 195) for a wide variety of stakeholders including feminists, social scientists, and in transgender medical care. Chapter Seven traces these various epistemic communities and how they put gender to use. Readers are introduced to Robert Stoller, who worked in the University of CaliforniaLos Angeles Gender Identity Research Clinic in 1962 and developed the term ‘‘gender identity’’ as distinct from gender role. While Stoller’s team was cautious about using surgical interventions, Hopkins centralized surgical interventions as a primary tool in the medical management of intersex individuals. Meanwhile, by the late 1960s and 1970s, Money’s ideas about the malleability of gender roles was taken up by feminists who advocated that if gender was learned, it could also be dismantled. Messy and complex, How the Clinic Made Gender offers a genealogy of sex categorization and the contradictions between prevailing theories and treatment protocols for working with intersex individuals. As Eder demonstrates, it was neither biological determinism nor cultural reductionism that enabled the team at Johns Hopkins to develop the idea of gender, but a feedback loop between the two. Moreover, Eder’s work shows how since its early formulation by Wilkins and appearance in the writings of John Money and the Hampsons, ‘‘gender’’ has never been a straightforward concept. Nor, as Eder shows, is gender neutral or value-free. Instead, How the Clinic Made Gender offers a poignant reminder that scientists and medical professionals are shaped by social and cultural norms and the contexts within which they work and the relationships they have established.
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