Edward Aspinall, Marcus Mietzner和Dirk Tomsa编。尤多约诺总统任期:印尼稳定与停滞的十年

IF 0.4 Q3 AREA STUDIES
Wahyu Prasetyawan
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He was subsequently reelected in 2009, making him the first reelected president in democratic Indonesia. The Indonesian experience of directly electing a president in 2004 and 2009 was a watershed in the country's modern history.This book emphasizes the personality of SBY to evaluate his terms as president of Indonesia. The most visible feature of SBY's personality was that he \"was a peragu-a hesitator or vacillator who took care to avoid political controversy that he was rarely able to take decisive policy action\" (p. 3), as described by the editors of the book. They also depict SBY as a moderating president, which means that \"he viewed himself as leading a polity and a society characterized by deep divisions and he believed that his most important role was to moderate these divisions by mediating between the conflicting forces and interests to which they give rise\" (p. 4). For some scholars this approach offers the possibility of writing about the positive impact of the stability offered by the SBY presidency over a 10-year period. This judgment is correct, especially when located in the broader context of Indonesian politics after the Reformasi (Reform), which started in 1998 and led to many social conflicts and deep divisions within both the polity and society.However, by prioritizing stability and harmony, SBY also allowed himself to miss important economic opportunities that were provided by a commodities boom. How were these opportunities missed? It seems that SBY was reluctant to take on difficult policies because they would likely bring about open confrontation in society, and also with voters. Some of this book's contributors discuss these policies, suggesting that SBY did not take decisive action on issues such as social welfare and human rights and that this inaction can be traced to his personality.Another obstacle that confronted SBY was the decentralization policies adopted by President Habibie in 1999. These policies eliminated the hierarchical relationship that had existed between the central and local governments under Suharto's New Order. This hierarchy had allowed Suharto to monitor and control governors and mayors or regents, which also meant that he had the power to control policies as far down as those affecting regions. The elimination of the hierarchy between the central and local governments put the president in a much more difficult situation if he wanted to monitor national policies that had to be implemented at the local level. SBY had to operate in this new political structure of no hierarchy between the central and local governments. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

《尤多约诺总统任期:印尼稳定与停滞的十年》爱德华·阿斯皮诺尔、马库斯·米茨纳和德克·托姆萨编。新加坡:东南亚研究所,2015,362页。《尤多约诺总统任期:印尼稳定与停滞的十年》是2014年在澳大利亚国立大学举行的年度印尼更新会议上发表的论文合集,由三位印尼学者爱德华·阿斯皮诺尔、马库斯·米茨纳和德克·托姆萨编辑。这本书的目的是了解苏西洛·班邦·尤多约诺(苏西洛·班邦·尤多约诺,在印尼语中被称为SBY)在2004年至2014年间的总统任期。总统是2004年通过民主方式直接选举产生的第一位总统。他随后于2009年再次当选,成为民主印尼第一位连任总统。2004年和2009年印尼总统直选的经历是该国现代史上的一个分水岭。这本书强调了SBY的个性来评价他作为印尼总统的任期。正如该书的编辑们所描述的那样,SBY性格中最明显的特征是他“是个peragua——一个犹豫不决或优柔寡断的人,他小心翼翼地避免政治争议,以至于他很少能够采取果断的政策行动”(第3页)。他们还将SBY描述为一位温和的总统,这意味着“他认为自己领导着一个以深刻分歧为特征的政体和社会,他认为自己最重要的角色是通过调解冲突的力量和利益来缓和这些分歧”(第4页)。对于一些学者来说,这种方法提供了一种可能性,可以撰写SBY总统任期10年期间所带来的稳定的积极影响。这一判断是正确的,特别是在1998年开始的印尼改革之后的更广泛的政治背景下,改革导致了许多社会冲突和政治和社会内部的深刻分歧。然而,由于优先考虑稳定与和谐,SBY也让自己错过了大宗商品繁荣提供的重要经济机会。这些机会是如何被错过的?似乎SBY不愿意采取困难的政策,因为这些政策可能会在社会上引起公开的对抗,也会与选民发生冲突。本书的一些撰稿人讨论了这些政策,认为SBY在社会福利和人权等问题上没有采取果断行动,这种不作为可以追溯到他的个性。SBY面临的另一个障碍是哈比比总统1999年采取的权力下放政策。这些政策消除了苏哈托新秩序下中央和地方政府之间存在的等级关系。这种等级制度使苏哈托能够监督和控制省长、市长或摄政王,这也意味着他有权控制政策,甚至影响到地区。消除中央和地方之间的等级制度,使总统想要监督必须在地方层面实施的国家政策变得更加困难。SBY必须在中央和地方政府之间没有等级制度的新政治结构中运作。然而,有一件事是他的中央政府能够控制的:流向地方的资金。这种对资金的控制是总统权力的基础。因此,SBY试图通过减少地方政府的权威和权力来减少分权也就不足为奇了。SBY并没有公开提出重新集中政治体系的努力,但在他控制下的内政部提出了收回中央政府对这些地区的控制的倡议。简而言之,这本书通过个性和结构两种不同的方法来阐述SBY及其政府的政策行动。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Edward Aspinall, Marcus Mietzner, and Dirk Tomsa, eds. The Yudhoyono Presidency: Indonesia’s Decade of Stability and Stagnation
The Yudhoyono Presidency: Indonesia's Decade of Stability and Stagnation Edward Aspinall, Marcus Mietzner, and Dirk Tomsa, eds. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2015, 362pp.A Decade of Missed OpportunitiesThe Yudhoyono Presidency: Indonesia's Decade of Stability and Stagnation is a collection of papers that were presented at the annual Indonesia Update conference at the Australian National University in 2014 and edited by three Indonesianists: Edward Aspinall, Marcus Mietzner, and Dirk Tomsa. The volume's aim is to understand the presidency of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY, as he is called in Bahasa Indonesia) between 2004 and 2014. SBY was the first president elected through the democratic means of direct election in 2004. He was subsequently reelected in 2009, making him the first reelected president in democratic Indonesia. The Indonesian experience of directly electing a president in 2004 and 2009 was a watershed in the country's modern history.This book emphasizes the personality of SBY to evaluate his terms as president of Indonesia. The most visible feature of SBY's personality was that he "was a peragu-a hesitator or vacillator who took care to avoid political controversy that he was rarely able to take decisive policy action" (p. 3), as described by the editors of the book. They also depict SBY as a moderating president, which means that "he viewed himself as leading a polity and a society characterized by deep divisions and he believed that his most important role was to moderate these divisions by mediating between the conflicting forces and interests to which they give rise" (p. 4). For some scholars this approach offers the possibility of writing about the positive impact of the stability offered by the SBY presidency over a 10-year period. This judgment is correct, especially when located in the broader context of Indonesian politics after the Reformasi (Reform), which started in 1998 and led to many social conflicts and deep divisions within both the polity and society.However, by prioritizing stability and harmony, SBY also allowed himself to miss important economic opportunities that were provided by a commodities boom. How were these opportunities missed? It seems that SBY was reluctant to take on difficult policies because they would likely bring about open confrontation in society, and also with voters. Some of this book's contributors discuss these policies, suggesting that SBY did not take decisive action on issues such as social welfare and human rights and that this inaction can be traced to his personality.Another obstacle that confronted SBY was the decentralization policies adopted by President Habibie in 1999. These policies eliminated the hierarchical relationship that had existed between the central and local governments under Suharto's New Order. This hierarchy had allowed Suharto to monitor and control governors and mayors or regents, which also meant that he had the power to control policies as far down as those affecting regions. The elimination of the hierarchy between the central and local governments put the president in a much more difficult situation if he wanted to monitor national policies that had to be implemented at the local level. SBY had to operate in this new political structure of no hierarchy between the central and local governments. However, there was something that his central government was able to control: the flow of funding to regions. This control of funds served as the foundation of power for the president. Therefore, it is no surprise that SBY tried to reduce decentralization by reducing the authority and power of local governments. SBY did not openly put forward an effort to recentralize the political system, but the Ministry of Home Affairs, which was under his control, put forth initiatives to take back central government control over the regions.In short, this book illustrates SBY and the policy actions of his government through two different approaches: personality and structure. …
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来源期刊
Southeast Asian Studies
Southeast Asian Studies AREA STUDIES-
CiteScore
0.90
自引率
25.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: The new journal aims to promote excellent, agenda-setting scholarship and provide a forum for dialogue and collaboration both within and beyond the region. Southeast Asian Studies engages in wide-ranging and in-depth discussions that are attuned to the issues, debates, and imperatives within the region, while affirming the importance of learning and sharing ideas on a cross-country, global, and historical scale. An integral part of the journal’s mandate is to foster scholarship that is capable of bridging the continuing divide in area studies between the social sciences and humanities, on the one hand, and the natural sciences, on the other hand. To this end, the journal welcomes accessibly written articles that build on insights and cutting-edge research from the natural sciences. The journal also publishes research reports, which are shorter but fully peer-reviewed articles that present original findings or new concepts that result from specific research projects or outcomes of research collaboration.
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