结论性意见

IF 0.5 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
Richard M. Harris
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引用次数: 0

摘要

总的来说,本期特刊中的评论,以及Basecamp的讨论和Zoom会议,为加拿大的城市历史提供了丰富多样的肖像。在我的调查中,我狭隘地关注了那些认为自己主要关注“城市”的历史研究人员的工作。这样看来,评估和预测是悲观的。大多数其他撰稿人都抛开了眼罩,得出了一个更为乐观的结论。菲尔·麦金托什(Phil Mackintosh)是个例外,他在谈到加拿大的历史地理状况时,无论在城市之内还是城市之外,都找不到安慰。在不同的观点和辩论中,出现了两个重要的共识。首先,即使是狭义的,城市历史研究的现状也比我所说的要好。它可能确实一直缺乏制度基础,而且多年来没有举行过全国性会议,但互联网和社交媒体的兴起以一种曾经不可想象的方式支持了联系、网络和论坛。同样,正如Jennifer Bonnell、Sean Kheraj和mich Dagenais在谈话中明确指出的那样,如果子领域在多伦多大学、麦吉尔大学和英属哥伦比亚大学有有限的存在,那么在其他地方也有活动中心,特别是约克大学和quemacei montracei大学。达格奈斯和《城市历史评论》的联合编辑哈罗德•巴姆萨鲁伯也指出,尽管主要集中在蒙特利尔,但在魁姆萨的城市历史总体状况相当不错。在谈话中,b2013.2013.10还表示,《评论》的表现比仅仅存活下来要好得多。它的编辑收到少量但稳定的可靠的学术论文。而且,在完成这篇文章的前一天,我读完了丹尼尔·罗斯(Daniel Ross)以多伦多为背景的优秀案例研究,它是城市思维方式的典范我们的子领域还有生命。第二个结论是,从更广泛的角度来看,确实有大量关于加拿大城市历史的重要研究正在进行和发表。社会历史学家,包括那些对性别问题感兴趣的人,继续发挥着作用,同时,正如马修·卡隆指出的那样,他们扩大了调查的范围,包括以前被忽视的话题,包括同性恋社区和性工作者。卡隆还指出,人们对土著民族的历史越来越感兴趣。当然,当白人殖民者首次建立城市定居点时,许多人流离失所,从这个意义上说,他们是城市生活的边缘。由于他们的行动受到限制,在第二次世界大战之前,只有少数人留在或搬到了城市。然而,近几十年来,他们已经成为城市中一个重要的存在,特别是在西部省份。这里也是结束语
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Concluding Comments
Collectively, the commentaries included in this special issue, along with Basecamp discussions and Zoom meetings, have produced a rich and varied portrait of urban history in Canada. In my survey, I focused narrowly on the work of those historical researchers who saw themselves as having primarily “urban” interests. Framed that way, the assessment and prognosis was gloomy. Most of the other contributors threw away the blinkers and reached a more optimistic conclusion. The exception was Phil Mackintosh, who, speaking about the state of historical geography in Canada, could find little comfort, within or beyond city limits. Out of the divergent views and debates, two important points of agreement emerged. The first was that, even narrowly defined, the state of urban historical research is better than I suggested. It may be true that it has always lacked an institutional base and that a national conference has not been held for many years, but the rise of the internet and social media supports connections, networks, and forums in ways once unthinkable. Similarly, as Jennifer Bonnell, Sean Kheraj, and Michèle Dagenais made clear in conversation, if the subfield has a limited presence at the University of Toronto, McGill, and the University of British Columbia, there are centres of activity elsewhere, notably York University and the Université de Québec à Montréal. Dagenais, and the Urban History Review’s co-editor, Harold Bérubé, also indicated that the general state of urban history in Québec is rather good, albeit heavily centred on Montreal. In conversation, Bérubé also suggested that the Review is doing better than merely surviving. Its editors receive a small but steady stream of sound, scholarly papers. And, the day before finalizing this essay, I finished reading Daniel Ross’s fine case study set in Toronto, which exemplifies an urban way of thinking.1 There is life in our subfield yet. The second conclusion is that, when a wider view is taken, a good deal of significant research is indeed being undertaken, and published, on the history of Canadian cities. Social historians, including those interested in gender issues, continue to play a role, while, as Mathieu Caron pointed out, they have expanded the scope of their enquiries to include previously neglected topics, including the gay community and sex workers. Caron also notes the growing interest in the history of Indigenous peoples. Many, of course, were displaced when white colonizers first established urban settlements, and in that sense made peripheral to urban life. Because their movements were constrained, only a few remained in, or moved to, urban places before World War II. In recent decades, however, they have become a significant urban presence, notably in the western provinces. Here, too, Concluding Comments
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