深度中介时代的社会威胁建构

IF 1.8 Q2 COMMUNICATION
P. Reilly, Virpi Salojärvi
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本期特刊聚焦于混合媒体时代社会威胁的调解。媒介化是一个理论框架,它在某种程度上与媒介生态学并行发展。它最初被定义为“媒体逻辑作为一种制度规则日益侵入其他定义适当行为的规则盛行的领域”(Esser&Matthes,2013,第177页)。这一领域的许多早期工作都集中在现代媒体约束和直接影响政治行为者行为的过程上(Maurer&Pfetsch,2014;Strömbäck,2008),以及军队等其他机构(Maltby,2012)。然而,这可以说比以媒体为中心的方法走得更远,后者将媒体逻辑的国际化置于其他因素之上。Kissas(2019,第236页)通过“媒体表演性”的棱镜,即在媒介化政治背景下行使权力的方式,将媒介化与这种媒体中心主义区分开来。越来越清楚的是,我们生活在一个深度中介化、数据化的社会中,其特点是受众分散,这对老牌媒体和政治机构的霸权构成了挑战(Couldry&Hepp,2018)。虽然传统媒体在构建社会威胁方面具有影响力,但观众越来越多地通过平台体验到这些威胁,至少在名义上,这些平台似乎超出了政治精英的控制范围。Hoskins和O’Loughlin(2015)认为,我们目前正处于调解的第三阶段。这一新范式见证了传统媒体和军事机构利用用户生成内容的混乱动态,以重新确立他们在社交媒体时代之前行使的议程制定权力。然而,政客们对社交媒体的依赖继续为叙利亚内战等报道不足的冲突创造机会,使其出现在议会议程上(Herrero Jiménez,Carratalá,&Berganza,2018)。虽然认为我们正在目睹信息力量从精英向非精英的转变可能过于乐观,但似乎确实存在更不稳定的机会
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
(De)constructing societal threats during times of deep mediatization
This special issue focuses on mediatizations of societal threats in the era of hybrid media. Mediatization is a theoretical framework which has evolved somewhat in parallel with media ecologies. It was originally defined as the “growing intrusion of media logic as an institutional rule into fields where other rules of defining appropriate behavior prevailed” (Esser & Matthes, 2013, p. 177). Much of the early work in this area focused on the processes whereby modern media constrained and directly influenced the behavior of political actors (Maurer & Pfetsch, 2014; Strömbäck, 2008), as well as other institutions like the military (Maltby, 2012). However, this arguably goes much further than media-centric approaches which privilege the internationalization of media logics over other factors. Kissas (2019, p. 236) disentangles mediatization from this media centrism through the prism of “media performativity” i.e., the ways in which power is wielded within the context of mediatized politics. What is increasingly clear is that we live in deeply mediatized, datafied societies characterized by fragmented audiences that pose a challenge to the hegemony of established media and political institutions (Couldry & Hepp, 2018). While legacy media emain influential in the construction of societal threats, audiences increasingly experience these via platforms that, nominally at least, appear beyond the control of political elites. Hoskins and O’Loughlin (2015) argue that we are currently in the third phase of mediatization. This new paradigm has seen legacy media and military institutions harness the chaotic dynamics of user-generated content in order to re-assert the agenda-setting power they exercised prior to the social media era. Yet, politicians’ dependence on social media continues to create opportunities for underreported conflicts, such as the Syrian civil war, to appear on parliamentary agendas (Herrero-Jiménez, Carratalá, & Berganza, 2018). While it may be overly optimistic to suggest we are witnessing a shift in informational power from elites to non-elites, there do appear to be more fluid opportunity
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来源期刊
COMMUNICATION REVIEW
COMMUNICATION REVIEW COMMUNICATION-
CiteScore
3.40
自引率
5.30%
发文量
14
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